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Covering the crisis: Media coverage of the economic crisis and citizens’ economic expectations

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Abstract

The 2008–2009 worldwide economic crisis serves as a backdrop to this study of the dynamics of citizens’ economic expectations. Economic expectations are identified as crucial for a range of political attitudes. This study is the first to consider how information affects evaluations in times of a severe crisis, as prior research of information effects on economic evaluations took place in more stable economic times. It links citizens’ news exposure and the content of economic news coverage with changes in prospective economic assessments. Drawing on a three-wave panel study and on a media content analysis between the panel waves, we thus provide a dynamic assessment of media influences on changes in economic evaluations. The results demonstrate that media exposure strongly affected expectations regarding the future development of the national economic situation, while being largely unrelated to personal economic expectations. We furthermore show that media dependency increases the magnitude of the media effect. We discuss the disconnect between personal and national economic evaluations with regard to mass-mediated economic information.

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Notes

  1. See, for example, 2009 Annual Report (Amsterdam: Dutch National Bank, 2010).

  2. Several studies have been carried out on the relationship between the real, objective economy and its portrayal in the news (Goidel and Langley, 1995; Nadeau et al, 2000). However, we refrain from discussing these studies here, and only note that there is little evidence for a one-on-one real and unbiased reflection of the state of the economy in the news. However, as this article focuses on the impact of news coverage on public assessments, we are less interested to what degree news media accurately reflected the severity of the economic downturn here.

  3. Early research distinguished between the effects of television and newspaper dependency (for example, Becker and Whitney, 1980), but later studies formulated the expectations more in terms of the general media dependency and the interaction with exposure (Mutz, 1992).

  4. A clear topic change always defines a new news story (for example, from Middle East to the EU referendum). The news story has to be longer than two sentences. For tv news, headlines, summaries, teasers, announcements of other programmes and commercials within the newscast have not been coded. In newspapers, the individual editorial news item (not advertisements), including accompanying picture(s), or individual pictures or graphics or cartoons with or without text, constitutes an item. There is no minimum length for a news story to be considered an item.

  5. These scores apply to the first period only. In the second period only one coder continued to code the material, but under close supervision of the principal investigators of the study to ensure comparability with the coding of the first period.

  6. We also coded the amount of economic news stories in each of the two periods. Initial analyses, however, revealed that the amount of economic news did not alter the effects of the tone of the news. Therefore, we refrain from further discussing this content analytical indicator.

  7. We make a very strict distinction between complete and partial questionnaires. A questionnaire counts as completed if and only if not a single answer is missing.

  8. The 267 w1 respondents who did not participate in w2 did not significantly differ in terms of education, occupational status, age, income or household size from the 1127 persons who completed both questionnaires.

  9. The specific fieldwork days were: 29 November – 4 December 2009 (w1), 13–17 December 2009 (w2), 13–19 February 2009 (w3).

  10. In light of the participation of these 1174 respondents in the first two samples, this means that the w2–w3 attrition rate was (1293–976)/1293=25 per cent, and the overall (w1–w3) sample loss (1394–976)/1394=30 per cent.

  11. We, however, do acknowledge that the issue of causality between government approval and economic evaluations is not uncontested. In attempting to provide a conservative model of media effects, we decided to use government approval as a control variable. We note that our results are substantially very similar in a model that does not control for government approval.

  12. Alternative dynamic specifications for the model are possible. Here, we refrained from using a fixed or random effects analysis because of the limited number of waves and because we measured our key independent variables on economic news coverage before the first survey wave.

  13. This was also confirmed in analyses in which exposure to positive news was contrasted with exposure to negative news. Both terms yielded significant effects of roughly equal sizes on the dependent variable.

  14. Note however, that looking at the actual content instead of only using exposure makes a difference: replacing the weighted media content variable with an exposure measure results in insignificant results. Also the distinction that has been made between personal and national focus of media coverage is useful: replacing the national tone media variable with the personal one results in a less good prediction (first period) and even an insignificant result (second period). Using the national variable in the egocentric model does not alter the results.

  15. We note that if included here, media dependency shows to be weakly related to changes in expectations between time 2 and time 3, with people who depend on the media turning more negative regarding their personal finances. The interaction term between news exposure and tone and media dependency is not significant in either model.

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Correspondence to Hajo G Boomgaarden.

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Boomgaarden, H., van Spanje, J., Vliegenthart, R. et al. Covering the crisis: Media coverage of the economic crisis and citizens’ economic expectations. Acta Polit 46, 353–379 (2011). https://doi.org/10.1057/ap.2011.18

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