Abstract
Which type of democracy performs best? While some scholars argue that an electoral system with proportional representation combined with a decentralized system works best, and that the type of electoral system is crucial (Lijphart, 1999), others state that a proportional electoral system with a centralized (and hence not decentralized) system lead to better performance (Gerring et al, 2005; Gerring and Thacker, 2008). Still other scholars claim that decentralization is crucial, particularly in countries with deeply divided societies (Norris, 2008). In this article, we argue that Lijphart's earlier 1960s work needs to be combined with his more recent 1990s work, which results in an eightfold classification. This cube with eight different types of democracy not only enables us to compare the three rival claims in a systematic way, but is also a helpful tool for future studies focusing on types of democratic systems, and their origins and consequences. Our findings show that the type of electoral system is always crucial; the other two dimensions are crucial as well, though under different circumstances. In order to achieve the highest level of good governance, the best choice for the type of political system (centralization or decentralization) depends on the structure of the society (homogeneous or not). Centralization is best in homogeneous societies, while decentralization is best in heterogeneous societies. We recommend that future studies take into account all eight different types of democracy that can be distinguished based on Lijphart's theoretical arguments in earlier and later work.
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Notes
See for example the following studies: Crozier et al (1975), Huntington (1981), Norris (1999a, pp. 3–4).
See, for example, Fuchs and Klingemann (1998), Norris (1999a, 1999b).
See for overviews of these studies Doorenspleet (2005), Aarts and Thomassen (2008).
A final example is the May 2011 referendum in the United Kingdom, in which voters were asked if they wanted to adopt the ‘alternative vote’ system instead of the current ‘first past the post system’ for electing their MPs.
Please note that we use different terms for the same dependent variable in this article, including ‘kinder and gentler policies’, ‘better government’, ‘better quality of democracy’, ‘economic and political performance’, and ‘performance and quality of the democratic institutions’. It is important to realize that the confusing multiplicity of different formulations of the dependent variable is Lijphart's choice, and not our choice. The intention of this article is not to review the way Lijphart defines and measures the dependent variable, and to develop new –and possibly improved – measurements. Rather, we would like to replicate his own research thoroughly by carefully following his choices, including his bundle of performance indicators (see Section ‘The Cube’ and tables). In this way, we may become aware of other ‘internal’ weaknesses of Lijphart's ideas, and show that the dimension of federalism has been neglected.
Andeweg (2001, p. 119) introduced the distinction between ‘the younger Lijphart and the older Lijphart’.
The figure shows that the structural setting of the electoral competition defines the dominant behavior of the political elite among each other. The contest in a system with majority rule is about being in office or not, and this rule has an effect on the electoral competition among political parties or candidates. The zero-sum setting of the election leads to adversarial elite behavior. Proportional representation, on the other hand, postpones the decision of who will be in office or not. Only after the election during the process of coalition formation is the decision made as to which of the parties will form a government. The need to form a majority with others requires the coalescent behavior of the elite. The composition of the societal, segmental cleavages determines the role of the elite on the mass level. A heterogeneous society with clear-cut cleavages will lead to the articulation, organizing and mobilization of segmental interests. In a homogeneous society with crosscutting cleavages, and overlapping memberships, articulation and mobilization must be on a higher aggregate level than purely along the lines of cleavages.
Please notice that Lijphart has recently published a second edition of Patterns of Democracy; while the first 1999 edition covered the period from 1945 to 1996, the new edition extends this to 2010. In this new 2012 edition, the empirical evidence is even clearer than in the first edition with regard to the performance of different types of democracy. With regard to both government performance and democratic quality, the first edition showed that the better results for consensus democracy were mainly the results of the executives-parties dimension of consensus democracy; the federal-unitary dimensions had only slight effects, according to Lijphart. This difference is even more striking in the evidence of the 2012 edition: the effect of the executives-parties dimension is very strong, whereas the federal-unitary dimension has basically no effect, according to Lijphart.
It would have been better to label such systems ‘unitary systems’. What is problematic is that Gerring et al (2005) and Gerring and Thacker (2008) use the terminology of the younger Lijphart (although –remarkably – they do not quote Lijphart's 1968 work), while the empirical part relies on the work of the older Lijphart (1999). This is confusing, as the concepts are now mixed up. Centripetal democracies have majoritarian electoral systems and homogeneous societies (Lijphart, 1968), while unitary democracies have PR electoral systems with centralization (Lijphart, 1999). Confusingly, Gerring et al (2005) and Gerring and Thacker (2008) give these ‘unitary democracies’ the label of ‘centripetal democracies’.
It is important to point out here that the claimed positive effects of consociationalism and consensus democracy have always been controversial. There have been constant debates in this field (Andeweg, 2000) with scholars questioning the predicted positive effects of consociationalism and consensus democracy (Horowitz, 1985; Reynolds, 2002; Roeder and Rothchild, 2005), and demonstrating that the normative typology is incongruent with the empirical typology of democratic systems (Bogaards, 2000). Some scholars criticized the inclusion of particular indicators in Lijphart's measurements, for example the incorporation of the role of the Central Bank (Anderson, 2001) or corporatism (Roller, 2005). Others rejected the classification of certain cases, like Ware (2000) who contends that the United States should have been labeled differently. Some scholars pointed out that Lijphart's typology is based on an analysis of established democracies, but that his findings cannot be generalized to other cases at the national level (for example, in Africa, see Van Cranenburgh and Kopecky, 2004) or subnational level (for example, in Switzerland, see Vatter, 2007; and in the 16 federal states of Germany, see Freitag and Vatter, 2009). Finally, several scholars showed that incorporating additional independent variables in the empirical analyses leads to different results as well (Armingeon, 2002; Doorenspleet, 2005). These previous critical reviews of Lijphart's claims are mainly ‘external‘. It is important to keep in mind though that the three rival claims are basically ‘internal’ critique; they do not highlight Lijphart's choice of the used indicators, case selection, choice and measurements of the dependent variables, such as economic and political performance, or concepts or measurements of performance. As our analyses focus on testing the three rival claims, it is not our aim to improve the analyses on the basis of the ‘external’ critical comments. Instead, we will explore which of the three claims finds the most support by replicating the findings in a different way and by using the ‘cube’ with three dimensions.
Please note that the difference between the highest and the second highest score is very small compared with the scores of the other types of democracy. Unitary-depoliticized democracy guarantees high political stability, maintenance of the rule of law, implementation of government regulation and low corruption. Consensus-consociational democracy ensures the liberties and rights of citizens to participate in the political process and it also sustains the independence of news media that holds government authority accountable, and provides high-quality public goods and services.
See, for example, the following studies: Lijphart (1984, 1999, 2001, 2002), Bogaards (1998), Andeweg (2000, 2001), Powell (2000), Siaroff (2000), Anderson (2001), Armingeon (2002), Tavits (2004), Doorenspleet (2005), Roberts (2005), Roller (2005), Vatter (2007), Aarts and Thomassen (2008), Keman and Pennings (2008).
Often scholars use the dimension of electoral system (or Executive-Parties Dimension) explicitly as a majoritarian/consensus democracy scale. Tavits, for example, uses this dimension as the basis for studying the relationship between types of democratic systems and their effects on the size of government (Tavits, 2004, p. 348). In Tavit's study, bivariate regression analyses are also used to show that consensus democracy ‘is more conducive to the growth of the public sector, whereas majoritarian democracy has more market-preserving characteristics built into its institutional structure’ (Tavits, 2004, p. 356). In fact, the dimensions of political system and societal structure are completely neglected in such analyses (cf. Aarts and Thomassen, 2008; see also Anderson, 2001).
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Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Arend Lijphart for his very constructive and critical comments, his constant positive support and for providing the data of his study Patterns of Democracy. We also thank Rudy Andeweg, Shaun Breslin, Peter Burnell, Jan Erk, Tom Louwerse and all the participants of the CSD seminar series at Warwick University (UK) for their helpful suggestions and feedback on previous versions.
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Doorenspleet, R., Pellikaan, H. Which type of democracy performs best?. Acta Polit 48, 237–267 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1057/ap.2012.35
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/ap.2012.35