INTRODUCTION

As they strive to regenerate post-industrial city centres, urban planners often fail to develop a nuanced understanding of the areas within and around the city, especially the street environment. This oversight can have an adverse effect on efforts to re-position and rejuvenate the brand if much of the street environment is in decline,^{1, 2} and there are wide social and economic differences in each neighbourhood across the city. Conversely, targeted revitalisation can encourage business confidence, brand ownership and civic pride. In particular, urban corridors, as gateways to the city, are a useful indicator of business confidence, especially among the small to medium sized enterprises (SMEs), and to gauge the vitality and wellbeing of local communities.^{3, 4, 5} This may be overlooked by policy makers if they hire consultants to re-brand and market cities, using a top-down, city centre-grounded approach which largely ignores the impact of community perceptions and city gateways on the brand.^{6, 7, 8 and 9} Hence to market city brands effectively there is a need to take an integrated, 'warts and all' approach, since local communities, the built environment, heritage and infrastructure, form a constituent part of image and identity, as well as a facility for differentiation and rejuvenation. This is likely to help 'turn around' negative brand perceptions, and underpin efforts to 'repair', 're-enchant', 'relate' and establish 'rights' for local communities,¹⁰ thereby regain a positive identity and brand ownership for a post-industrial city that has become 'lost' over time.

Moreover, further work is needed to explore brand perceptions about the appearance of the street environment, particularly where it has the potential to link diverse communities, architecture and business practice. Consequently, this research examines negative and positive aspects of the street environment from a local community or 'stakeholder' perspective, and how this can impact on perceptions of brand value. It makes reference to the post-industrial city of Bradford, UK, and explores the relationship between stakeholders and brand reputation in terms of (1) a survey of local residents to investigate their perceptions of the city and (2) a photographic record of the street environment along four major corridors into the city to gain tangible evidence for analysis. This notion of urban corridors to underpin city brands is a novel approach and provides a further insight into identity and place management.

CITY BRANDS AND STAKEHOLDER PERCEPTIONS

For the purpose of this research a brand is defined as 'An identifiable product or service differentiated through its users' perceptions and expectations of intangible added values'.¹¹ In other words, cities as brands need to identify and differentiate themselves from competitors using a stakeholder perspective, to provide the required added values and benefits for business and residential 'users', as well as visitors. This has parallels to the notion of corporate marketing where the tools incorporate people (culture, constituents and conceptualisation), as well as communications, character and covenants.¹² In contrast, city brands are multilayered and more complex,^{13, 14} since marketing exchange in the public sector does not demand any 'reciprocation',¹⁵ and there is often no clear legal or constitutional agreement about brand ownership.⁵ Moreover the pace of 'brand' change from the regeneration of cities can be extremely slow,³ and, as revealed in this research, people often relate to their own discrete neighbourhoods rather than the city as a whole, particularly if it has acquired negative brand perceptions.

In terms of city branding (as opposed to city marketing), Kavaratzis,¹⁶ sees the objective as 'a means both for achieving competitive advantage in order to increase inward investment and tourism' on the one hand, and to encourage 'community development, reinforcing local identity...and to avoid social exclusion and unrest' on the other. He recognises the importance of 'primary' image communications that influence brand perceptions based on the visual landscape, which he sees as a combination of urban design, architecture, space management, infrastructure development and heritage planning. But he is less precise about community involvement and does not mention the role of urban corridors per se.

Cozens⁴ takes shared values further into the notion of territoriality, where people are more likely to 'protect space that they define as their own and possess a developed sense of respect for the territory of others'. This reinforces the importance of brand ownership and identity to enhance stability in urban communities as well as brand equity. Moreover, McKee and McKee¹ look beyond established boundaries of urban centres to see how cities can have a 'sphere of influence' along urban corridors of some considerable distance, linking multiple urban cores and 'edge cities' to regional, national and international interests. Yet these corridors have many communities or 'stakeholders' with diverse interests, needs and aspirations, which must be addressed by city planners for economic development as well as social harmony (Table 1).

Table 1 - Corporate marketing and city brands: Similarities and differences between corporate marketing and city brands.

Full table

But city branding can draw parallels from the corporate brand literature in terms of relationship building, communications, personality and identity, supported by strategy, creativity and resources.¹² For example, Suvatzis and De Chernatony¹⁷ see six dynamics or 'stations' that constitute the identity of an organisation that can be translated into place branding, ranging from 'management' (city planners), 'human power' (social capital of local communities), 'strategy', and 'creativity', on the one hand; to 'communications'(community involvement), and 'image/reputation/personality' on the other. Furthermore, Farquhar¹⁸ recognises the significance of 'brand alignment' across organisational boundaries, and He and Balmer¹⁹ observe the importance of brand alliances as a valuable strategic resource. Both underpin the notion of linkages between different quarters of a city (rather than organisation), for building brand value and strength (Table 1).

However, from another perspective, Balmer and Greyser²⁰ point out difficulties in managing the gaps between 'desired' and 'actual identities' which can be different again from the identity portrayed by media communications. In other words, if there are poor communications between those involved (planners and communities), as well as a lack of clarity in strategy and objectives, the perceptual gap may be too wide between the current reality of city living and the potential outcome from any regeneration projects. Often local communities may distrust new initiatives and are less likely to take ownership of the brand if there is a tension between economic regeneration and communities in managing the urban environment. To this end Lejano and Wessells²¹ observe that economic development requires a focus upon individual entrepreneurs and business, whereas community development is a matter of compromise, shared values and collective benefits conducive to the street environment. They suggest that urban planning and regeneration has to accommodate both. This theme is echoed by Amin¹⁰ in his observations about what makes a 'good' city for wellbeing and community engagement, and where a purely business focus may limit the potential richness of the brand that emerges from the regeneration process. The brand as experienced by those using the city is likely to be strongly influenced by its corridors and communities, not just city centre business and development aspirations and achievement, and operates on a number of different levels. This is important for a sense of territory and brand ownership 'on the ground', rather than in the boardroom or city hall, particularly if local communities are to become brand ambassadors rather than critics. Therefore, there are a number of parallels between corporate branding and city branding. As highlighted in Table 1, however, there is also a limit to the literal translation of the corporate branding approach into a city branding context: there are clearly elements that are distinctive to city branding.

Thus, in a regeneration context, brands may provide communities with a place identity that not only contributes to personal identity ('the place I come from'), but also provide a means to differentiate one place from another for visitors and investors. At a strategy level, the notion of territory and identity can be extended along urban corridors and provide a more positive approach to the brand. These strategic levels reveal some of the complexities of branding cities, from the local street environment to urban corridors and the city as a whole. In fact, in line with the Balmer and Greyser¹² observation about the need for an integrated policy for corporate marketing, we would argue that without an integrated approach and understanding of the dynamics at each level, it is difficult for any city undergoing regeneration to manage its brand. Furthermore, there has been little research into the visual impact of streetscapes in this context, although they are likely to influence perceptions of city brands; and few authors have examined the long-term decline of post-industrial cities.²² Finally, from a branding perspective, most of the literature has focused on city centres, urban conurbations or neighbourhoods, rather than gateways or corridors into the city. In order to address some of these issues this research conducted a survey of community perceptions of the brand in the city of Bradford, and carried out a photographic survey of negative and positive images along urban corridors, to record the visual impact of this urban environment. Conceptual linkages are made between previous research in the field, the perceptual survey and the streetscape analysis.

RESEARCH METHODS

Exploring community perceptions of the Bradford brand

Currently, like many post-industrial cities, parts of Bradford are still in decline and there is a pervading negative perception of its brand.²³ Furthermore, continual policy changes by Bradford Metropolitan District Council have led to frequent alterations in design and planning, and a number of failed attempts to regenerate the city, since the demise of the textiles industry over the past 50 years.²⁴ The district itself extends from the city centre through suburbs into surrounding districts of market towns and rural settings, many of which are classified as areas of outstanding natural beauty. But industrial decline, and an apparent lack of civic pride among local communities, has meant that many of the routes into and through the city centre have become 'run down' and neglected. These exacerbate negative perceptions and reinforce a need for improvements to the street environment if stakeholder confidence and pride in the city is to be restored. There is, however, a need for tangible evidence, such as a visual audit of the street environment, if real progress is to be made.²⁵

SURVEY OF COMMUNITY PERCEPTIONS

A survey of Bradford's residents was carried out in order to understand their perceptions about positive or negative features of the city. It was administered on behalf of the researchers by the Landscape Planning Department and distributed by e-mail to city residents.²⁶ A possible bias in the data arose since many responses were received from Council employees. However, although the returns were initially divided into two sets—employees and nonemployees—it was noted that the trends in both were very similar so that the data was pooled. A total of 337 completed forms from different parts of the city provide a purposive sample. The survey document was comprised of a mixture of 'open' and 'closed' questions, and responses were grouped into a number of general categories. Respondents were asked about the district where they live, which aspects of the city they find attractive or unattractive and how the street environment could be improved. Analysis of the questionnaire returns was qualitative, based on frequency of responses within specific categories for closed questions and manual coding for open questions.²⁷ The results were collated into attractive (positive) and unattractive (negative) features, and Pareto charts used to represent these perceptions graphically (Figure 1). From the survey analysis, the natural 'environment' surrounding the city was considered by far to be the most attractive, positive feature. It was variously described as 'open countryside, greenery, moors, the Dales, rural views, farms, villages, rivers, canals, woods, trees and shrub planting in grassy areas, parks, open spaces, wildlife, fresh air and no pollution'.

Figure 1.

Pareto chart to show what respondents find attractive about Bradford City

Full figure and legend (77K)

In other words, most respondents consider the outlying districts to be attractive, rather than the city. Respondents, however, did recognise the importance of Bradford's central location and the visual attractiveness of its architectural heritage. They also saw the infrastructure as positive in terms of 'good and accessible public services and transport, youth amenities, playgrounds, places of worship, restaurants, events, entertainment, sports, shopping, the university and thriving businesses'. To a lesser extent some observed opportunities presented by the city's 'diverse population, cheap housing, modern buildings' and 'potential' for the city, reflecting possible future changes for the better. All of these positive, city-based characteristics were, however, very much overshadowed by the strength of the perception of the surrounding district.

The worst, negative aspects of the city were seen as 'poor air quality and pollution, disrepair and untidy streets, dirty, rubbish, fly tipping, dumping, lack of maintenance, overgrown pavements, broken paving stones, dog dirt, lack of green space and flowers, smelly drains and rats'. This was followed by a separate category for neglected property. In other words, the two most negative dimensions of the city relate to the poor visual appearance of its buildings and street environment. This suggests that a focus on improving tangible features should be given some priority (Figure 2).

Figure 2.

Pareto chart to show what respondents find unattractive about Bradford City

Full figure and legend (88K)

On the other hand, where community problems did occur they tend to be in relation to crime in terms of 'intimidating hooligans, lack of police, vandalism, graffiti, violence, drugs, riots, burnt out cars, joy riders, bike/car racing, "no-go" zones or ghettos and prostitution'. Transport was also a cause for concern with 'too much traffic, lack of public transport, too many un-adopted roads, no (control of) parking, and cars parked everywhere, speed bumps, and poor routes into the city'. In fact, a number of respondents saw planning and design as a weakness particularly where new building has precipitated a 'loss of green or open space, poor planning and design, the poor quality 60's buildings in the city centre', and observed a 'lack of identity', possibly where new building was 'not in keeping' with the city's heritage. Finally, some observed 'poor shopping facilities, no safe play areas for children, nearby (run down) council estates, inadequate street lighting, billboards, fly-posting, rubbish bins, no café culture, stray dogs, and tethered horses'.

Overall the negative features appear to outweigh the positive and illustrate the need for brand ownership for the city as a whole, as well as a focus on improving the local street environment or 'territory', similar to that observed by Cozens.⁴ More specifically, what is good about the city is described largely in terms of the suburban, market towns and rural surround, not in terms of city characteristics as such, while what is bad about the city largely centres on 'hygiene' and infrastructure factors such as cleanliness, safety and transport. This is consistent with Amin's¹⁰ account of how the 'bad' city is often described, and indicates that few respondents see the urban streetscape in a positive light.

The response suggests a weak identity for the city, reminiscent of Lejano and Wessells²¹ study of California. Respondents, however, did feel that the quarter where they lived was more attractive than the city as a whole, suggesting that there is still a sense of pride in local neighbourhoods, but not in the city itself. Since responses came from different parts of Bradford, this shows that although many consider their own locality to be attractive, they believe it is the other parts of the city that are responsible for its negative brand image (Figure 3). Against this positive view and commitment to local neighbourhoods, there is little evidence of kinship between the disparate parts of the city, making it difficult to achieve a positive view of Bradford.¹ This enduring local pride, however, does present an opportunity for urban planners to enlist communities in an effort to improve and regenerate the corridor streetscape.

Figure 3.

Residents' perception of where they live compared to the city as a whole

Full figure and legend (87K)

This illustrates how visual evidence of decline, such as lack of cleanliness, litter and neglected property, with no sign of regeneration, can devalue the brand and exacerbate disenchantment with a city. Therefore, it is important to ground stakeholder perceptions on specific architectural or streetscape features, to provide a base line for analysis. In other words, in order to manage the appearance of the street environment, it is necessary to pinpoint each positive and negative feature. In this way, a consensus of opinion about local eyesores can present a focus for improvements for local communities and planners alike. On the other hand, attractive features can be celebrated and cherished to add value to the brand, providing further opportunities to develop an identity for each corridor and community.

A PHOTOGRAPHIC RECORD OF FOUR MAJOR CORRIDORS

Following the survey, a photographic record was made of four major 'corridors' or major roads that run from the edges to the centre of the city. By their nature, these gateway roads are 'shared' by the suburbs, local business, often marginalised communities and the city centre, so they do not fall neatly into a discrete city locale. This survey explores how routes with a high concentration of mainly SME business activity and community services, form a streetscape for those entering the city by road. In other words, these gateways constitute a significant window onto the city, but are not extensively researched, particularly in the context of regenerating post-industrial urban decline. Although not widely used in marketing research, there are other fields such as visual sociology and visual anthropology where photography is widely used as a social science method for analysis.²⁸ Given that the perception of any city is in part based on its aesthetics and broader visual impact, photography provides a useful qualitative method for the evaluation of place brands as 'subjective representations of reality',²⁸ and provides visual evidence to support data captured in other forms, such as the survey questionnaire in this research. There is no dominant method for the analysis of photographs, but Pink²⁹ suggests that one important approach is that of reflexivity which allows a narrative to emerge.

From the photographic survey, positive and negative features were captured, influenced by closed questions and emergent themes from the survey of residents. Four gateways were recorded: (1) Wakefield road to the southeast; (2) Harrogate road to the northeast and airport; (3) Manchester road in the southwest; and (4) Skipton road to the northwest, and their convergence in the city centre. Approximately 1,900 photographs were taken and classified in terms of their negative and positive associations with the city brand. For any one photograph, it was possible for more than one category to apply. For example, a photograph might contain both trees and open spaces (very attractive) and a derelict building (very unattractive). In this case both negative and positive features were recorded. Gridlines were marked on a map of Bradford, and after classification into degrees of attractiveness, the photographs were plotted square by square along the corridors. Each square is split into four colours, from dark (very negative) to light (very positive), to register the number of images in each category along that stretch of road. This map shows graphically that the darker, unattractive areas are weighted heavily towards the city centre, whereas the lighter, attractive segments are towards its perimeter, particularly towards the north of the city (Figure 4).

Figure 4.

Photographic survey of four Bradford corridors

Full figure and legend (119K)

This research provides a balanced, tangible documentation that includes the positive as well as negative aspects of the streetscape along these corridors and shows that, even in the centre of the city, there are features that appear attractive. Although these findings are not surprising, they are important because, hitherto, there has been a lack of substantive evidence to interpret the visual appearance of the street environment.

For example, it highlights the likely negative impact that may influence visitor perceptions from the airport to the city centre, since this route records particularly unattractive images. At the same time the photo-record approach can be used as a tool to measure the perceptual 'barometer' of the city brand, since the exercise can be repeated over time to chart visual improvements to the corridor streetscape, set against a survey of community perceptions. Finally, the opportunity to improve the visual appearance of these key corridors or gateways can offset some of the negative associations, because it will add credibility to promotional messages of regeneration and improvements to the brand.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The findings in this paper need to be considered against the background of the problems facing those wishing to turn around the fortunes of a post-industrial city that has been in long-term decline, and has become the target for major investment. Moreover, although it is surrounded by many fine suburbs, market towns and rural areas of outstanding natural beauty, this research highlights the contrast between an attractive rural environment and neglected corridors into the city. In fact, previous marketing strategy has placed a great emphasis on Bradford's rural environment, almost at the expense of creating a hopeful and positive view of the metropolis, thereby neglecting the purpose of a city and the importance of its brand. This has been illustrated by the results of the perceptual survey, where city planners have not prioritised fundamental needs of urban communities, such as security and safety, local services, transport, shopping, places of worship and entertainment, all of which require a higher profile.

Despite this oversight, the research findings indicate that urban residents retain a strong loyalty to their local neighbourhood, but a predominantly negative view of other quarters and the city as a whole, revealing a clear need for linkages between disparate communities. This is further emphasised by the fragmented nature of the street environment revealed by the photographic survey, as well as a belief that 'other' communities (rather than their own) are the cause of a city's problems.³⁰ It reinforces the importance of neighbourhood territoriality that localises brand ownership observed by Cozens,⁴ and that this notion of ownership can be enhanced by community involvement in local regeneration initiatives such as those advocated by Hull,⁹ and Amin.¹⁰ In turn, this approach provides one possible means of building a strong 'corridor identity', underpinning an umbrella brand for the city as a whole to which all residents can relate. Further, there is a need to develop and market a city brand which centres on urban lifestyle constructs within the streetscape, reflecting the district as a whole, but not an unrealistic and distorted mirror image of what a 'good' city ought to be. Complementary and mutually reinforcing city, district and gateway brands may be a more profitable way forward.

The research findings also suggest that what respondents regarded negatively for the city as a whole is represented strongly along the main routes into the city. They also highlight a need to resolve somewhat conflicting requirements of economic regeneration on the one hand and social cohesion on the other.²¹ These findings provide an important barometer of the amount of attention paid to the economic and social regeneration of constituent parts of the city, and echo the need for an integrated approach to corporate marketing observed by Balmer and Greyser.¹² These corridors are not the most aesthetically glamorous, high margin economic or even cultural aspect of regeneration, but if neglected, they become the weak spots of the city and devalue brand credibility. They are important visual indicators of the care and attention paid to neighbourhoods outside the economic and cultural hub of the city centre, and indicative of support for local business as well as civic pride. In other words, the 'sphere of influence' of urban corridors, observed by McKee and McKee,¹ extends to the notion of sub-brands for cities. As well as linking marginalised and disparate quarters with the surrounding district, they have the potential to become an integral part of the city brand, allowing city planners to build and market a coherent, sustainable city that engenders social and economic capital for change. Although this research is grounded in Bradford, UK, this conceptual approach is likely to be of value to other 'post industrial' cities that have negative brand perceptions and a 'lost' identity.

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Acknowledgements

The authors wish to thank the Bradford Landscape Planning Department for their assistance in carrying out this survey.