Abstract
The Feminization of the Conservative party was one of the most visible leitmotifs of Cameron’s modernization strategy in the period 2005–2010. In this article we assess the extent to which the party, while in coalition with the Liberal Democrats from 2010–2015, delivered on its pre-2010 commitments for women. We consider two dimensions of feminizing politics; the descriptive representation of women within the Conservative party in the House and in Government, and the substantive representation of women’s interests in the form of policy programmes and legislation. In respect of descriptive representation we find that the Conservative party has faltered since 2010: refusing to use quotas and even dropping the 2010 ‘A list’ equality promotion strategy. Turning to the substantive representation of women it is clear that the Conservative party has instituted an array between these inclinations, although there is a tension between the party’s liberal inclinations and its continued emphasis on the value of the traditional family. A more radical critique is levelled at the party’s commitment to financial austerity and the disproportionate effect this has had on women; the question as to whether women are viewed as the target of spending cuts or collateral damage depends on whether one employs an economically liberal or more leftist definition of feminization.
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Notes
Whether Mrs Thatcher constituted a role model for women in politics has not been the subject of systematic academic research. See Childs (2004) for discussion of New labour women MPs and role models. Anecdotally Conservative women MPs have spoken of her influence on their political participation.
101/120; 95/118; 98/128; 81/143 in 1997, 2001, 2005 and 2010, respectively.
See Appendix for the Party’s response to the Women In Parliament APPG’s request for information regarding Speaker’s Conference Recommendations.
See the debate in The Guardian http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2008/aug/22/women and The Subversive Cupcake company http://subversivecupcakes.co.uk/?page_id=28 and on the F Word http://www.thefword.org.uk/features/2012/08/cupcake_feminis
Added to these considerations should be the acknowledgement that any consensus of a straightforward relationship between descriptive and substantive representation has been questioned by scholars: whether a political party or government acts for women is much more complicated than the number of women MPs present in the political institution.
Note of course the rise of third and fourth wave feminism and debates about whether these go with or against the grain of neo-liberalism. See Evans (2015); Benn (2013a, 2013b), not least in respect of the emphasis on cultural rather than material critiques.
Evans notes how such neo-liberal feminist discourse is evident in claims made by politicians across the political spectrum.
Evans that what counts as ‘left’ on the party spectrum in the United Kingdom is some distance from the left of extra-parliamentary politics. Personal correspondence.
See Celis and Childs (2012) for a discussion of three criteria by which to ‘test’ the quality of representative claims made by conservative representatives: (i) the strength of the relationship with consv women’s concerns in society; (ii) correspondence between a particular claim(s) and subsequent action; (iii) how particular claim(s) fit with other claims.
See Evans (2015) for discussion of contemporary feminist movement politics in the United Kingdom and the United States.
Hof C 2014 SN/HA/4324.See also CEDAW (2011).
Bale (2010, p. 340) writes of concerns that the policy would render the ‘left and abandoned wife worse off than a man on his fourth marriage’.
This intervention restated some of his comments made back in 2008 (Hayton, 2010, p. 497). But see also Stephenson 2014.
Hayton (2010) suggests that Cameron at least in 2010 had been able to balance marriage with a tolerance of other groups.
Bale (2010, p. 340) writes that mdoernizers were worried about Cameron’s closeness to IDS.
Such criticism speaks of course to the already noted feminist debates regarding neo-liberalism.
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Campbell, R., Childs, S. Conservatism, feminisation and the representation of women in UK politics. Br Polit 10, 148–168 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1057/bp.2015.18
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/bp.2015.18