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Accounting for the Dominance of Control: Inter-party Dynamics and Restrictive Asylum Policy in Contemporary Britain

  • British Politics: Beyond the Mainstream
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British Politics Aims and scope

Abstract

This paper charts the development of restrictive asylum policy since New Labour came into power in 1997, and assesses party political responses to asylum during this period. It considers how far a discourse of control has become dominant across the political spectrum over recent years, and develops an account of the flourishing of restrictive asylum policy in contemporary Britain. In so doing, the paper challenges conventional interpretations that perceive restrictive policies to be a direct result of rising numbers of asylum applications and ‘abuse’ of the asylum system. It also challenges interpretations that perceive restrictive policies to result directly from popular pressures to intensify controls. Instead, the paper argues that restrictive policy is conditioned by inter-party dynamics, which need to be understood in relation to a wider discourse of control. This discourse of control, the paper suggests, has become increasingly dominant both in political and also in public or popular discourse, and is evident both at the domestic as well as the European levels.

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Notes

  1. The author would like to thank the anonymous referees, as well as David Howarth, John Bartle, David Owen and Jason Glynos who provided comments on earlier drafts of this article. The research in this article was undertaken as part of an ESRC funded project at the University of Essex, and is reproduced in part from Vicki Squire's The Exclusionary Politics of Asylum (forthcoming, Palgrave Macmillan), with permission of Palgrave Macmillan.

  2. It also reflects a wider intergovernmental and supranational agenda that remains beyond the scope of this paper, but which is briefly discussed in the final section.

  3. The Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1968 is a key case in point. The history of Twentieth Century immigration legislation is one marked by the intensification of selectively restrictive measures, whether against ‘alien’ Jews in the early part of the century (e.g. Cesarani, 1996); ‘new’ Commonwealth immigrants in the 1950s and 1960s (e.g. Spencer, 1997), or asylum seekers in the 1990s and beyond (e.g. Bloch and Schuster, 2005). The Labour Party has historically played a role in setting up restrictive policies against each of these groups.

  4. This, of course follows a history of party political division over European developments in the Conservative party, which UKIP has explicitly tried to capitalise on in electoral terms.

  5. This follows the UK's re-affirmation of its commitment to the Convention alongside over 80 other states in December 2001.

  6. Indeed, the extreme right-wing party, the BNP, was alone in calling for ‘…an immediate halt to all further immigration’ in 2005.

  7. The party claims that migration is a right only ‘as far as is practical’ (Green Party, 2005b).

  8. The Green Party have a more developed approach than the RESPECT coalition, although as minor parties they inevitably do not develop such a detailed policy approach as the major parties.

  9. The critical distance that such an approach fosters is evident in the work of Liza Schuster (2003a, 2003b), whereby she challenges dominant interpretations regarding the steady increase of asylum applications in the EU throughout the 1990s. Schuster argues that asylum statistics in the 1990s are more adequately interpreted as fluctuating (2003b, 236). She also problematises the assumption that an increase in the rate of failed asylum applications can be interpreted as directly reflecting increased numbers of ‘welfare seekers’. In so doing, Schuster highlights the way in which asylum statistics have been politically articulated in terms that construct asylum as a ‘problem’ of increasing numbers and of increasing ‘abuse’ (2003b, 244).

  10. The Trevi group was set up in 1975 in order to facilitate the coordination of policing and security activities in Europe. As police forces and security agencies extended their remit across the Schengen area, the Trevi group focused on all policing and security aspects of free movement, including illegal immigration, visas, asylum seekers, and border controls. See Bunyan, (1993, 195–196).

  11. The future of this pillar-based system is unclear at present.

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Squire, V. Accounting for the Dominance of Control: Inter-party Dynamics and Restrictive Asylum Policy in Contemporary Britain. Br Polit 3, 241–261 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1057/bp.2008.4

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