Abstract
Much has been written about the potential impact of the MPs expenses scandal on the standing of MPs and overall trust in government. One admittedly less important fall-out from the scandal has been to expose the Westminster Lobby as being perhaps too close to politicians and too far from their audiences. This article suggests that the scandal represented for the Lobby a terminal moment in its continuing slide into irrelevance and decline. However, this decline did not begin on the 8th May when the Daily Telegraph began its coverage of the scandal, but can be traced back several decades earlier, and can be attributed to a number of major changes in the United Kingdom's political and media environments that have been taking place over the past 30 years. Specifically, these changes are: the nature of politics at Westminster, changes in the wider body politic, developments in media and communications technology, changes in the United Kingdom's media culture, and finally, the small ‘c’ conservative culture of Lobby journalists themselves, who have played a crucial role in presiding over their own demise. The scandal provided a graphic illustration of how out-of-touch both MPs, and the journalists who report on them, have become. The scandal has not caused the demise of the Lobby but it can be seen as symbolising its increasing irrelevance.
Similar content being viewed by others
Notes
The author worked as a member of the Lobby in the 1990s.
It is worth noting that this specifically excludes those journalists – gallery reporters and sketch writers – who sit in and report from the press gallery, or who attend and report committee meetings.
The authors were all political journalists – working for the BBC and The Times - but none were members of the Lobby.
Between 1991 and 1998 this author had experience of working in Westminster, initially with just a Parliamentary Pass and then as a member of the Lobby.
The Nuffield Election studies spanning 1987 to 2005 show that the percentage of MPs coming from previous employment in politics, either as a politician, organiser or researcher, virtually trebled from 5.4 to 14.1 per cent. See House of Commons (2005) Library ‘Social background of MPs’, Standard Note: 1528, 17 November 2005.
www.totalpolitics.com/politicalblogs/, viewed 3 September 2009.
iaindale.blogspot.com/2009/01/nearly-600000-individuals-read-this.html, viewed 3 September 2009.
This story first broke in the Daily Telegraph but was given to them by political blogger ‘Guido Fawkes’ who feared the libel consequences of publishing the story on his own site (personal information).
Figures taken from the Newsbank electronic cuttings archive.
See Barnett and Gaber (2001, p. 43), where it is argued that the significance of 24-hour news channels lay far more in the quality, rather than quantity of their audience – that is, that while small in number, their audiences contained a high proportion of so-called ‘opinion formers’.
References
Barnett, S. and Gaber, I. (2001) Westminster Tales: The Twenty First Century Crisis in Political Journalism. London: Continuum.
Barnett, S., Gaber, I. and Seymour, E. (2000) From Callaghan to Kosovo: The Changing Face of Television News. University of Westminster.
Campbell, A. (2002) It's time to bury spin. British Journalism Review 13 (4): 15–23.
Clarke, H. et al (2009) Public reactions to the MPs expenses scandal: Evidence from the British election study. Paper presented to the Political Studies Association's Elections, Public Opinion and Parties Group Annual Conference; August, Glasgow.
Clepham Palmer, E. (1952) The westminster lobby. In: P. Gibbs (ed.) The Journalists. London: Allan Wingate.
Cockerell, M., Hennessy, P. and Walker, D. (1984) Sources Close to the Prime Minister: Inside the Hidden World of the News Manipulators. London: Macmillan.
Franklin, B. (1997) Newzak and News Media. London: Arnold.
Hargreaves, I. and Thomas, J. (2002) New News, Old News. ITC and BSC Research Publication.
Hencke, D. (2009) Why a commons club fouled up. British Journalism Review 20 (3): 51–55.
Hobsbawm, J. and Lloyd, J. (2008) The rise of the commentariat. Editorial Intelligence and Reuters Foundation.
House of Commons Library. (2005) Social background of MPs. Standard Note: 1528.
House of Lords. (2009) Select Committee on Communications. 1st Report of Session 2008–09 Government Communication.
Jones, N. (1995) Soundbites and Spin Doctors: How Politicians Manipulate the Media and Vice Versa. London: Indigo.
Jones, N. (2001) The Control Freaks: How New Labour Gets its Way. London: Politicos.
Mackintosh, A. (1945) Echoes of Big Ben: A Journalist's Parliamentary Diary 1881–1940. London: Jarrolds.
Margach, J. (1978) The Abuse of Power: The War Between Downing Street and the Media From Lloyd George to Callaghan. London: W.H. Allen.
Marr, A. (2004) My Trade: A Short History of British Journalism. London: Macmillan.
Oborne, P. (2002) A flea in the government's ear. British Journalism Review 13 (4): 32–40.
Ofcom. (2008) New news, future news: The challenges for television news after digital switch-over.
Phillis, B. (2004) An independent review of government communications. Cabinet Office, January 2004.
Roth, A. (1999) The lobby's ‘Dying Gasps’? British Journalism Review 10 (3).
Sparrow, A. (2003) Obscure Scribblers: A History of Parliamentary Journalism. London: Politico's.
Underwood, J. and Gaber, I. (1999) The Home Office Press Office: A Review of its Operation and Organisational Structure. Final Report. London: CLEAR Consultants.
Williamson, A. (2009) MPs Online Connecting with Constituents: A Study into how MPs use Digital Media to Communicate with their Constituents. London: Hansard Society.
Wring, D. (2005) The Politics of Marketing the Labour Party. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Rights and permissions
About this article
Cite this article
Gaber, I. The slow death of the Westminster Lobby: Collateral damage from the MPs’ expenses scandal. Br Polit 4, 478–497 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1057/bp.2009.20
Published:
Issue Date:
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/bp.2009.20