Abstract
Feminist political scientists have had a two-track response to Robert Putnam's work on social capital. They have critiqued his original approach for failing to take gender into account, but they have also highlighted the potential of the concept for illuminating mechanisms that reproduce unequal gender relations. In the British case, Peter Hall and Vivien Lowndes have shown how key elements of Putnam's measures are highly gendered. Vivien Lowndes set out a research agenda for assessing the impact of men and women's group memberships upon political participation. This article tests Lowndes’ research questions using British data from the Citizenship Survey 2007. Men and women in Britain do belong to different formal associational networks but these differences do not appear to have a strong impact upon whether they participate in politics. Lowndes’ critique of the social capital literature's failure to incorporate women's informal child-care networks is supported; involvement in child-care networks is positively related to political participation in the form of signing petitions and negatively related to contacting Members of Parliament. Crucially, there are small but statistically significant divergences in the types of activities men and women undertake for organised groups and these roles are associated with variations in political participation.
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Notes
Full details of the Home Office's Citizenship Survey can be found here.
Putnam found a dramatic decline in the number of Americans who attended a club meeting; down from every American to sixty percent in a couple of decades, he also found that even entertaining friends at home had halved between the years of 1975 and 1998.
Generalised trust is a concept that is often measured by asking people whether ‘most people can be trusted’.
There is considerable debate within the social capital literature as to whether traditional forms of civic participation have been substituted by online activity and whether this undermines Putnam’s decline thesis. Stolle, Dietlind, and Marc Hooghe. 2005, ‘Review article: inaccurate, exceptional, one-sided or irrelevant? The debate about the alleged decline of social capital and civic engagement in western societies.’ British Journal of Political Science 35(1):149–167. This paper focuses on the impact of face-to-face memberships and whether their relationship to political participation varies by gender, and as such does not focus on online activity. It seems reasonable to me to sidestep the relative importance of online activity because it pertains mainly to Putnam’s decline thesis of social capital and this paper is more concerned with variation by gender than absolute decline.
The labour market in Britain, and elsewhere to varying extents, is gender segregated both horizontally and vertically. Vertical gender segregation occurs when one group, usually men, dominate the upper reaches of the hierarchy and form the majority of the managerial class whilst the other group, usually women, predominate in other areas of the organisation, perhaps in lower level administrative roles. Horizontal segregation refers to professions or occupations that are disproportionately made up of one sex or the other, for example many self-employed manual jobs such as plumbing and building are overwhelmingly male Guinea-Martin, Daniel, and Jane Elliot. 2008. ‘Trends in Occupational Segregation by Gender in England and Wales: Longitudinal Evidence.’ in Understanding Population Trends and Processes: ESRC.
See endnote i.
A Mokken analysis was also conducted using R software. The analysis suggested that the types of activities undertaken within groups might be conceived of as a uni-dimensional measure, with individual items ranging from ‘easy’ or low cost activities to ‘harder’ or higher cost activities. Principle components factor analysis is designed for interval data and when used on binary variables it might suggest that a scale is muliti-dimensional, when in fact the responses might be better likened to individual marks in a multiple choice test where there is a range of difficulty in individual items. The purpose of this paper is to compare the kinds of activities undertaken by men and women for groups and whether this has an impact on their participation in formal politics. I am not making a broader argument about the multi-dimensionality (or not) of activities undertaking for groups. Conducting a factor analysis on the data would not be appropriate because of the binary nature of the variables, but equally combining them into one scale would involve the loss of the variation in activities by sex which is central to answering the research question at hand. For this reason I believe that it is most appropriate to simply sum the items into sets of types of group activity based on theoretical arguments rather than statistical procedures.
Religiosity was measured using an item which asked whether the respondent was actively practicing a religion.
Operationalised as a binary variable white/not white.
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Acknowledgements
The author would like to thank Peter Allen, Judith Bara, Sabine Carey, Philip Cowley, Paul Heywood, Rainbow Murray, Cees Van Der Eijk and all of the members of the Nottingham and Queen Mary research seminars for their helpful comments on earlier versions of this article; also Pippa Norris and Joni Lovenduski for their work on the electoral commission ‘Gender and Political Participation’ report that spawned my interest in this area.
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Campbell, R. Leaders, footsoldiers and befrienders: The gendered nature of social capital and political participation in Britain. Br Polit 8, 28–50 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1057/bp.2012.21
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/bp.2012.21