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Partisanship, state intervention and economic well-being in 13 developed countries, 1980–2000

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Comparative European Politics Aims and scope

Abstract

The comparative political economy of developed countries has often neglected the growing interest in producing well-being indicators that go beyond GDP. This was largely due to lack of reliable and comparable data. In spite of this, Osberg and Sharpe have recently provided a time-series cross-section data set of the Index of Economic Well-Being (IEWB) for selected OECD countries. Accordingly, this article tries to plug the current gap between the comparative political economy and well-being literature by presenting an empirical study about the impact of partisanship and state intervention on the IEWB and its four domains (that is, consumption flows, stocks of wealth, economic equality, economic security). A main lesson can be drawn from the econometric analysis: left cabinets and their favorite policies increase stocks of wealth, economic equality and economic security, rather than consumption flows. This means that leftist governments do not promote the current prosperity of a typical citizen but the future and widespread well-being of most population.

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Notes

  1. Although HDI is one of the few indexes that are regularly compiled and widely disseminated by international organizations to allow systematic cross-country comparisons, it appears to be useful only for comparisons between developing economies (Afsa et al, 2008), and not really relevant for capturing differences among developed countries.

  2. Three adjustments have been made to these components. First, as economies of scale exist in private household consumption, private consumer expenditure is adjusted for changes in family size. Second, an adjustment is made to consumption flows to account for the large international differences in growth rates and levels of annual hours worked. Third, an adjustment for the positive impact of increased life expectancy on well-being is made by adjusting total consumption flows by the percentage increase in life expectancy (Osberg and Sharpe, 2009).

  3. One adjustment is made to the sum of these components: to account for the social costs of environmental degradation, the estimated annual cost of greenhouse gas emissions is subtracted (Osberg and Sharpe, 2009).

  4. The Gini coefficient is used here to measure inequality among values of income distribution. As is well known, it is equal to zero when equality is perfect and everyone has an exactly equal income. By contrast, it corresponds to one when inequality is maximal and only one person has all the income. Poverty intensity is the product of the poverty rate and the poverty gap. The poverty rate and gap, as well as Gini coefficient, are based on family after-tax equivalent income. The poverty rate is the proportion of persons whose income is below the poverty line (the poverty line corresponds to 50 per cent of the median family income). The poverty gap is the average per cent difference between the poverty line and the incomes of those whose incomes fall below it (Osberg and Sharpe, 2009).

  5. The risk imposed by unemployment is determined by two variables: the unemployment rate and the proportion of earnings that are replaced by unemployment benefits. Each of these measures is scaled and then summed with weights of 0.8 and 0.2, respectively. The risk imposed by illness corresponds to the private Medical care expenses as a percentage of disposable income. The risk of single-parent poverty consists of three variables: divorce rate, poverty rate for lone female-headed families and poverty gap for these families. The risk of poverty in old age is proxied by the poverty intensity experienced by the households headed by a person aged 65 years or over (Osberg and Sharpe, 2009).

  6. Although the data set developed by Osberg and Sharpe (2009) includes data from 14 developed countries observed over the period 1980–2007, I have limited my analysis to the 13 countries observed over the period 1980–2000. This is because the sources I have used for the main independent variables do not allow further analysis (see below).

  7. In order to standardize the ranges of different variables, a linear scaling technique is applied to the IEWB and its four domains (Osberg and Sharpe, 2009).

  8. Scatter plots, built by plotting the two other main independent variables along the horizontal axis, are given in the Appendix (see Figures A1 to A5).

  9. For an analogous strategy of analysis, see Huber et al (1993, p. 733). The fixed effect specification is also avoided because it allows the effects to be captured with respect to the intra-unit variation only. This is because country dummies inclusion replaces the dependent and independent variables with their unit centered deviations, removing any of the average unit-to-unit variation from the analysis (Greene, 2003).

  10. The regressions are Prais–Winsten estimates – panel-corrected standard errors and corrections for first-order auto-regressiveness.

  11. The spurious correlation, deriving from high temporal persistence, may be also addressed by first-difference analysis (Kittel and Winner, 2005). However, I have avoided such a solution because it is suitable to capture the short-run dynamics rather that long-term relationships. Differencing data is thus substantively inappropriate.

  12. In order to check the robustness of the main variables of interest, several specifications are performed including different combinations of controls. Not all the results of repeated cross-section analysis are reported here, but are available upon request.

  13. A similar exercise has been carried out by Garrett (1998).

  14. Only the results for the cross-section regressions are reported here, including left-wing cabinets as the main independent variables. Results obtained by using public receipts and state generosity are available upon request.

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Acknowledgements

A previous version of this article was presented at the seminar held at the Department of Social and Political Studies of the University of Milan, Italy. To this regard, I am particularly grateful to the comments by Ferruccio Biolcati-Rinaldi, Giovanni Carbone, Fabio Franchino and the other participants. Furthermore, I would like to thank Andrew Sharpe for the helpful discussions on the various aspects of this article. Finally, my thanks go to the anonymous reviewers for their valuable suggestions to improve the quality of the article.

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Appendix

Appendix

Figure A1, A2, A3, A4 and A5

Figure A1
figure 3

IEWB domains and public receipts, 1980.

Figure A2
figure 4

IEWB domains and public receipts, 2000.

Figure A3
figure 5

IEWB domains and state generosity, 1980.

Figure A4
figure 6

IEWB domains and state generosity, 2000.

Figure A5
figure 7

IEWB and the main independent variables, 1980–2000.

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Podestà, F. Partisanship, state intervention and economic well-being in 13 developed countries, 1980–2000. Comp Eur Polit 12, 76–100 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1057/cep.2012.34

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