Abstract
CCTV is widely acknowledged to be ubiquitous in British urban areas. However, despite its proliferation, there remains no concrete and certifiable evidence to suggest that it is the panacea to the myriad problems it has been introduced to tackle. The expansion of CCTV has continued unperturbed by the tentative, contradictory, and even negative evaluation findings it has often produced. Despite the reservations about the quality and methodological soundness of studies by those involved in its evaluation, and the inconsistency of results that were considered to be competently and professionally conducted, consecutive governments have continued to celebrate its supposed effectiveness. This article critiques the evaluation doctrine that has dominated CCTV evaluations and outlines how it has resulted in an approach that overlooks the qualitative impact of CCTV, ignores the possibility that individuals other than offenders may be affected by the camera's gaze; and presumes that the only significant impact of CCTV (and thereby worthy of evaluating) is on crime rates. The approach that has historically been taken to evaluate CCTV is just as important and illuminating as the inconclusiveness of the evaluations themselves. This article will outline why the findings from these evaluations are inconsistent, inconclusive and ultimately irrelevant.
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Notes
The proliferation of CCTV cameras is not exclusive to the United Kingdom. Regan notes that similar trends are observable ‘in all modern governments’ (1995, p. 129).
Norris has suggested that China may have superseded the UK's proliferation of cameras (cited in Arnot, 2006), but it is widely accepted that the British citizens are one of, if not the most surveilled population in the world (Norris and Armstrong, 1999, p. 39; Parker, 2001, p. 65) with more CCTV cameras per person in the United Kingdom than any other country.
This figure should be interpreted with caution. It was produced from a survey of the number of CCTV cameras in two busy south London streets. The researchers sampled 211 premises in the vicinity – banks, estate agents, pubs, shops and office blocks – and found that 41 per cent had CCTV systems, with an average of 4.1 cameras per system. This figure was extrapolated to estimate the numbers of cameras in London, and then the whole of England. Extrapolating findings in this way involves a large margin of error. The authors acknowledge that it is a guesstimate but one that they do not consider to be ‘unreasonable’ (McCahill and Norris, 2002).Clearly, this density of cameras is by no means uniform across London or across the country, as suburbs and rural areas will not have anywhere near the same level of CCTV coverage as the inner city.
This dichotomy has become well recognised in criminology and social sciences. It has been encapsulated in an edition of the International Journal of Risk, Security and Crime Prevention which pitched the ‘the case for CCTV’ (Horne, 1996) against ‘the case against CCTV’ (Davies, 1996b).
There have been numerous instances brought to light whereby the well being of individuals has been effected by the use of footage of themselves, often of a very sensitive nature. The infamous case of George Peck who was filmed having attempted to commit suicide by cutting his wrists with a knife, provides just one example. The footage of Mr Peck was used in a council publication in order to promote its CCTV system, the stills were released to two newspapers, and it was later broadcast on the local news and used in a national television programme. George Peck took his case to the European Court where having the European Court of Human Rights found that his rights under Articles 8 and 13 had been violated.
The terminology of methodological approaches have become problematic. Throughout this article several terms are used to denote the ‘experimental’ approach to evaluation. This approach is characterised by the independent variable (that is, CCTV in this instance) being manipulated to measure the impact on the dependent variable (that is, crime rates in this instant). The experimental method is firmly routed in positivism.
In 1974, Robert Martinson published an article titled ‘“What Works?” Questions and Answers about Prison Reform’ (Martinson, 1974). In it he summarised the results of a three-year project ‘Effectiveness of Correctional Treatment’ which reviewed the effectiveness of 231 offender rehabilitation programmes that had been evaluated during the prior 30 years. Based on his analysis of what was the most extensive offender treatment database that existed at that time, he concluded that ‘with few and isolated exceptions, the rehabilitative efforts that have been reported so far have had no appreciable effect on recidivism’ (1974, p. 25). Hence the notion that ‘nothing works’. For a comprehensive summary of the debate about whether rehabilitation ‘works’ and evidence that it sometimes does, see Cullen and Gendreau (2000).
This can be found in Pawson and Tilley (1997) and Shadish et al (1991).
Perhaps the strongest and unequivocal argument for the epistemological, methodological and ethical advantages of a constructivist inquiry paradigm for programme evaluation comes from Guba and Lincoln in the promotion of what they term ‘Fourth Generation Evaluation’ (1989).
Whereas Scriven (1986) criticises evaluators for ‘defining evaluation as […] the provision of information to decision-makers’, the pragmatic evaluator, such as its seminal proponent Carol Weiss (1987) would contend that it is precisely this. In pragmatic evaluation, the political utility of evaluation research is the primary task. It is geared towards providing useful research that is acquiescent in the processes of policy making. Within this categorisation there are a number of divergent theorists, but they all gravitate towards utility as their locus of evaluation.
Realism positions itself as a model of scientific explanation which avoids the traditional epistemological poles of positivism and relativism. Realism's key feature is its stress on the mechanics of explanation, and its attempt to show that the usage of such explanatory strategies can lead to a progressive body of scientific knowledge. The key components of realist evaluation are neatly provided by Pawson and Tilley (1997).
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Taylor, E. Evaluating CCTV: Why the findings are inconsistent, inconclusive and ultimately irrelevant. Crime Prev Community Saf 12, 209–232 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1057/cpcs.2010.13
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/cpcs.2010.13