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Bodies in Politics

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Notes

  1. For an account of the dangers of simply doing away with or discrediting canon-building projects at the moment when they begin to include the contributions of non-white, non-Western and women writers, see Morrison (1989).

  2. I borrow this phrasing from Cohen (2005).

  3. My sincere thanks to Lori Marso and Lawrie Balfour for inviting me to participate in this exchange and their incisive comments on an earlier version of this contribution and deep gratitude for allowing me a much needed reprieve before finishing this article. Thanks also to Lynne Huffer, Mickaella Perina and Robert E. Prasch for their helpful feedback on this piece, and to Tripp Johnson for his excellent research assistance. This essay is dedicated to Robert, who passed away in January 2015 as I was finishing an earlier incarnation of this contribution. An ardent supporter of the integration of race and feminist theory in scholarship, Bob’s insights infuse this essay, though of course, all mistakes remain my own.

  4. Certainly there were many others earlier in the century, such as W.E.B. DuBois, Marcus Garvey, Alain Locke, but here I’m thinking of more recent political theorists (McGary and Lawson, 1992; Mills, 1997).

  5. One indicator might be the rate of inauguration of feminist journals across a range of fields. A limited perusal suggests that there were approximately 17 feminist scholarly journals inaugurated between 1970 and 1979, and approximately 20 new feminist journals inaugurated in each successive decade, peaking at 25 journals inaugurated in the 1990s, and leveling out at 22 new feminist journals between 2000 and 2012.

  6. See, for example, the way that scholars such as Robin D.G. Kelley, Dylan Rodriguez, Michael Eric Dyson, Cornel West, Robert Gooding-Williams, Charles Mills, Lucius Outlaw and others are considered (critical) race theorists or philosophers of race.

  7. It is unclear to me whether women or trans scholars who discuss institutional issues that may have relevance to women’s issues, but who do not write about ‘women’s’ or ‘feminist’ issues specifically, are considered ‘race theorists’ without the attendant qualifier ‘feminist’ or any of the above mentioned descriptors.

  8. Such as understanding the concerns of South Asian victims of domestic violence, for example.

  9. I discuss this at length elsewhere (cf. Sheth, 2014).

  10. Since this article was written, the case of Rachel Dolezal, the former head of the Spokane chapter of the NAACP, who is alleged to have been ‘passing for black’ has arisen (Yuhas, 2015). There may or may not be reason to consider Dolezal’s case as one of racial fluidity, but certainly this is not what I had in mind. I am thinking of changes in ‘group’ or ‘collective subjectivity’ across a series of historical moments and political and social contexts.

  11. Consider, for example, the long history of policing and shaming of subjects with some Black lineage, who identify as biracial rather than as Black, as passing or engaging in fraudulent self-representation.

  12. Siddiqui is a US-educated neuroscientists who, along with her children, disappeared from the streets of Pakistan for several years, only to reappear on an Army Base in Ft. Hood, Texas, shot up and accused of trying to shoot at two military soldiers. She is reportedly the only female prisoner who was in Baghram prison when it was under US authorities (cf. Bartosiewicz, 2009 for one of the few initial investigations into Siddiqui’s case).

  13. (Young, 2003; Mohanty et al., 2008). In fact, the ever-expanding trope of literature that has to do with race and gender in the context of US militarism is about sexual violence and US women soldiers. To be sure, this is a crucial and important topic, long neglected. However, this topic should not be seen as exhausting the intersections of race and gender in the context of war or imperialism. Recently Elizabeth Mesok has completed a dissertation on the re-enactment of colonial logics through contemporary female US soldiers, which also promises to inaugurate a long-overdue area of study (Mesok, 2013).

  14. Cf. Ioffe, 2015; Callimachi, 2015; Erelle, 2015. Similarly the Rachel Dolezal case raises a similar question: why would a white person, privileged as she is, ‘choose’ to identify as Black?

  15. A simple example of this is the banking crisis, which scholars such as William K. Black, Robert E. Prasch, and Jamie Galbraith have attributed to complex bank fraud (cf. Black, 2009; Galbraith, 2010; Prasch, 2013).

  16. ‘Can be’ rather than ‘necessarily are’ because there are those race theorists who privilege and juxtapose racial analyses against direct degradation of gender.

  17. Such as national borders, migration patterns, immigration laws, foreign policy, marriage laws, domestic violence policies, national security policies and so on (cf. Sheth, 2014).

  18. By post-feminist Europe, I do not mean a Europe after or done with feminism, but a Europe where feminism is assumed to be over and is seen as increasingly irrelevant (Tasker and Negra, 2007, p. 1).

  19. Foucault’s analysis has been criticised for example by postcolonial and Black-feminist thinkers for neglecting to grasp the importance of colonialism and slavery in the constitution of modernity, prompting the creation of new genealogies supplementing and revising Foucault’s original thesis (for example, Stoler, 1995; Davis, 1998; Federici, 2004).

  20. Political theorists in this tradition do comprehend Foucault’s critique of sovereignty. Numerous articles discuss Foucault’s critique of sovereity, but paradoxically also unwittingly contribute further to the burdgeoning literature on sovereignty and the reproduction of its significance for IR theory (for example, Neal, 2004; De Larringa and Doucet, 2008; Barder and Debrix, 2011)

  21. In addition to vast number of feminist political scholars (for example, Smith, 1994; Luibhéid, 2004; Ziarek, 2008) who address the intersectional biopolitics of race and sex, other exceptions include for example Lobo-Guerrero (forthcoming), Massad (2007) and Ailio (2011).

  22. One text frequently cited, however, is Stoler’s (1995) archival research for Race and the Education of Desire, which was one of the few texts that shed light on Foucault’s Society Must be Defended lectures before their publication, and made a contribution that bridged colonial stuides with Foucauldian scholarship.

  23. The delegitimation of biological racism in the post-war period has led to the emergence of ‘cultural racisms’ that declare the incompatibility of foreign cultures (rather than a eugenic concern for racial purity) and emphasise the threat of social disorder and conflict that would ensure if they mixed (Giroux, 1993; van Dijk, p. 116).

  24. Other political parties that have gained seats either at the national or European level whose ideologies exhibit fascist and racist thinking, and/or whose members often have informal links to neo-fascist, neo-Nazi or white power movements include Front National (France), The Finns (Finland), Party for Freedom (Netherlands), Austrian Freedom Party (Austria), Lega Nord (Italy), Sweden Democrats (Sweden), Svoboda (Ukraine).

  25. Fjordman’s real name is Peder Are Nøstvold Jensen.

  26. Breivik (2011, p. 933) wrote that it would be essential to kill women because in his estimation, 60–70 per cent of ‘cultural Marxists’ were women.

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Acknowledgements

Many thanks to Leonie Ansems de Vries and Riina Yrjölä for their helpful comments on this contribution.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. University of Virginia, Charlottesville, 22904, VA, USA

    Lawrie Balfour

  2. Emory University, Atlanta, 30322, GA, USA

    Falguni A Sheth

  3. Temple University, Philadelphia, 19122, PA, USA

    Heath Fogg Davis

  4. Rutgers University, New Brunswick, 08901, NJ, USA

    Shatema Threadcraft

  5. Newcastle University, Newcastle upon Tyne NE1 7RU, UK

    Jemima Repo

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Balfour, L., Sheth, F., Davis, H. et al. Bodies in Politics. Contemp Polit Theory 15, 80–118 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2015.55

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