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Wither Participatory Banking? Experiences with Village Banks in South Africa

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Abstract

Microfinance is widely advocated as a powerful tool to reduce poverty and improve social inclusion. How best to achieve these outcomes has been the focus of considerable debate, between supporters of minimalist finance-only and services-plus approaches, and between the merits of client-oriented models and member ownership. Many approaches to microfinance note the importance of participation within peer groups, the potential for empowerment and the support given by civil society organizations. Few studies, however, have analysed the nature and extent of participation, or whether this participation can be understood as democratic. In this paper, we examine four communities in South Africa that belong to a Village Bank, an organization that promotes member ownership and control. The paper examines members’ experiences of participation and, specifically, organizational transparency and conflict resolution. We argue that microfinance holds considerable normative and symbolic appeal for members, but that participation in practice has been limited.

Abstract

La micro finance est largement considérée comme un instrument efficace pour réduire la pauvreté et permettre l’intégration sociale. La manière dont celle-ci doit être mise en œuvre a néanmoins donné lieu à de nombreux débats, par exemple entre ceux préconisant une approche minimaliste n’offrant qu’une aide financière et ceux qui défendent un modèle proposant une palette de services plus larges, ou bien encore entre ceux qui soutiennent les mérites d’une approche basée sur des relations de clientèle et ceux qui prônent un modèle associatif. Quelle que soit leur approche, de nombreuses études soulignent l’importance de la participation, de la question de l’« empowerment », ainsi que du soutien fourni par les organisations de la société civile à la micro finance. Cependant, peu d’études ont analysé la nature et la portée de la participation, ou son caractère démocratique. Dans cet article, nous étudions quatre communautés d’une banque villageoise en Afrique du Sud. Cette organisation a une structure associative qui met en avant la question de l’appropriation et du contrôle. L’article s’intéresse à l’expérience des membres en matière de participation et plus particulièrement à la transparence de l’organisation et au mode de résolution des conflits. Nous défendons l’idée que la micro finance peut être très attirante d’un point de vue normatif et symbolique pour ceux qui y participent mais que la participation est souvent limitée en pratique.

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Notes

  1. One estimate puts the demand for microfinance at approximately $250 billion, with outstanding loans worth around $25 billion (ADL Consulting, 2008).

  2. Microfinance has been associated with improvements to literacy and malnutrition, and has been cited as a tool to extend HIV-AIDS awareness and to ease the financial burden of those infected (McDonagh, 2001; Kirsten, 2006).

  3. According to John Hatch, ‘Village banks are highly democratic, self-managed, grassroots organizations. They elect their own leaders, select their own members, create their own bylaws, do their own bookkeeping, manage all funds, disburse and deposit all funds, resolve loan delinquency problems and levy their own fines on members who come late, miss meetings or fall behind in their payments’ (Hatch, 2004).

  4. Means-tested pensions are received by over 80 per cent of age-qualifying African households, who receive a sum equivalent to about 50 per cent of average household income. On pension days, people wait for hours for the truck with an ATM machine welded to the back and armed guards. Even before funds are distributed, sites become itinerant markets mostly selling clothes, domestic goods and food.

  5. A separate support system for Village Banks was provided by FINASOL, established by the South African Sugar Association's Financial Aid Fund, and operating a franchise arrangement in which FINASOL took a stake in the branch (Schoeman et al, 2003).

  6. Personal communication, David de Jong, FSA Regulator, South African Microfinance Apex Fund, Department for Trade and Industry, Government of the Republic of South Africa, 10 March 2009. Almost simultaneously, FINASOL also collapsed.

  7. Groups were facilitated by field staff of Development Research Africa, a private research consultancy, with meetings conducted in local languages.

  8. There may be a different but equally alarming discrepancy in play in Bhambanana, where a survey conducted by Dallimore in 2002 could only locate 85 account holders within 5 km of the town when the bank claimed over 3000 members. Although attrition in all four banks was significant, the more likely explanation is that the bank had encouraged set-up of ‘ghost accounts’.

  9. It was argued that the high number of members in Bhambanana was partly because the Inkosi (traditional leader) had instructed everyone to buy shares.

  10. The sense of greater autonomy from the chief in Mathabatha seems largely contextual, as he was described as a drunk and lacked credibility generally. The claimed involvement of the chief in the event of a dispute seemed more likely here to be because of deference to the office than to the holder.

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Acknowledgements

The authors acknowledge the Centre for Civil Society University of KwaZulu-Natal for funding this study, Development Research Africa, who assisted with the focus groups, and Mihloti Mgimeti. We also thank the referees for their incisive comments and the editors for their patience.

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Jones, G., Dallimore, A. Wither Participatory Banking? Experiences with Village Banks in South Africa. Eur J Dev Res 21, 344–361 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1057/ejdr.2009.16

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