Abstract
This article examines the process of state formation in Botswana in the light of the major theoretical literature on the issue. It is argued that neither the geopolitical nor the fiscal theories of state formation can explain why the state in Botswana became so strong and effective. An alternative framework is outlined, in which state formation is seen as shaped by the relationship between states, regimes and social groups. The formation of a strong state in Botswana became possible because it was compatible with the interests of the ruling regime (politically as well as economically), and because the ruling regime had sufficient power to carry out a project of state strengthening.
Cet article examine le processus de construction de l′État au Botswana, à la lumière d′importants travaux théoriques sur la question. Nous soutenons que ni les théories géopolitiques ni les théories fiscales sur la construction de l′État ne peuvent expliquer comment l′État, au Botswana, a tant gagné en force et en efficacité. Nous proposons un cadre différent dans lequel la construction de l′État est vue comme étant conditionnée par la relation entre les États, les régimes et les groupes sociaux. La construction d′un État fort au Botswana est devenue possible car elle était compatible avec les intérêts du régime au pouvoir (tant politiquement qu′ économiquement), et également parce que ce dernier avait suffisamment de pouvoir pour exécuter un projet de renforcement de l′État.
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Notes
In addition, the ability of the state to extract income taxes is frequently used as an indicator of administrative capacity. I do not use this indicator, as it is closely related to the ‘fiscal theory of state strength’ (Moore, 2004a, 2004b), which is criticised theoretically and investigated empirically.
This figure only includes senior and middle-level positions in the central government. If clerks, secretaries, messengers, drivers and so on are included, the total figure was 2175.
That the state would have to play a key role in promoting economic development was more or less taken for granted in the 1960s. What needs to be explained, therefore, is not why Botswana chose such a strategy, but why it was much more successful than other states that pursued a similar strategy.
In fact, administrative autonomy was taken so far that some analysts (Gundersen, 1970, Isaksen, 1981), described Botswana as ‘an administrative state’ in which bureaucrats rather than politicians determined state policies. This, however, seems to be an exaggeration (Charlton, 1991; Samatar, 1999; Taylor, 2002).
This does not mean that regimes may not be motivated by norms, ideas, cosmologies and ideologies that cannot be reduced to ‘naked self-interests’. Nevertheless, their interest in political survival is a crucial, ‘objective interest’ in the sense that it is a condition for their ability to fulfil other objectives.
As could be expected by a regime where cattle farmers were a key constituency, the government has subsidized the cattle industry in various ways, such as by providing free vaccines, subsidized feed and erection of fences. In net terms, cattle farmers have been heavily subsidized (Tsie, 1996; Samatar, 1999).
On this key point, my analysis follows that of Acemoglu et al. However, their main focus is on explaining Botswana's economic development rather than state formation. Thus, they do not link their analysis to broader theories of state formation. Further, their emphasis is on the ruling regime's interests, and they do not explain how it was possible for them to succeed in achieving what was in their interests. This requires a closer analysis of relations between the ruling regime and broader social forces, which I attempt to do below.
In some of these institutions, chiefs became ex-officio members, that is, members without voting rights.
Although this eliminated traditional leaders as an overt oppositional force, it did not spell the end of their influence at the local level. Traditional leaders continued (and still continue) to exercise considerable influence at the community level, and not just in cultural or ritual matters. Their influence is especially important in an area such as land allocation (Guldbrandsen, 1996; Peters, 1996).
This fusion of old and new, whereas making the establishment of a strong state possible, also constrained the development of democracy. The new order remained a hierarchical one, and both regime leaders and chiefs considered themselves responsible for ‘developing’ their subjects. Thus, Holm, among others, has described Botswana as a ‘paternalist democracy’ (Holm, 1988; DuToit, 1996).
Thus, while the emphasis in this analysis has been on structural factors that made the formation of an effective state possible, it is important to note that the leaders’ commitment to state strengthening also played a key role.
This analysis might appear excessively harmonising. It should, therefore, be mentioned that in spite of its successes, Botswana has not succeeded in significantly reducing poverty and inequality, or in promoting industrialisation. Moreover, its democracy remains limited by a weak civil society and by the ruling regime's paternalistic inclinations. Some authors go as far as stating that Botswana ‘has retained an elitist and authoritarian form of liberal democracy’ (Good (2005, p. 1); see also Taylor (2005b)).
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Acknowledgements
Research for this article was funded by the Research Council of Norway. I thank Kristen Nordhaug and two anonymous referees for their detailed comments and suggestions, which have greatly improved the article.
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Eriksen, S. The Possibility of State Formation: The Experience of Botswana in a Theoretical Perspective. Eur J Dev Res 23, 444–458 (2011). https://doi.org/10.1057/ejdr.2010.52
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/ejdr.2010.52