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Growing Up in Ethiopia and Andhra Pradesh: The Impact of Social Protection Schemes on Girls’ Roles and Responsibilities

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Abstract

The focus of this article is the effect on adolescent girls’ roles and responsibilities of public works schemes or cash transfers, which are the main forms of social protection in developing countries. Increasing participation in social protection is intended to enhance the development of girls in participating households, but evidence on their school participation and workloads suggests that the reverse may be happening. The article probes what happens to girls’ roles and responsibilities when households participate in social protection schemes in rural Ethiopia and Andhra Pradesh. It argues that effects are complex, and often context-specific; however, the assumption that ‘beneficiaries’ benefit means that negative impacts are rarely acknowledged. The article combines a review of other papers addressing the effects of social protection on children’s work with analysis of quantitative and qualitative data, recognising that this question cannot be answered with a methodology that considers girls’ schooling or workloads in isolation.

Abstract

Ce papier s’intéresse à l'effet, sur les rôles et responsabilités des adolescentes, des programmes de travaux publics et des transferts en espèces, qui constituent les principales formes de protection sociale dans les pays en développement. Augmenter la participation aux régimes de protection sociale vise, notamment, à favoriser le développement des filles appartenant aux ménages participant à ces programmes, mais des données sur leur scolarisation et leurs charges de travail suggèrent que l’inverse peut se produire. L’article examine en quoi les rôles et responsabilités des filles se modifient lorsque les ménages adhèrent à des régimes de protection sociale en Éthiopie rurale et dans l'Andhra Pradesh. Il indique que les effets sont complexes et dépendent souvent du contexte; toutefois, le principe selon lequel les « bénéficiaires » bénéficient implique que leurs impacts négatifs sont rarement reconnus. L’article associe une revue d’autres études portant sur les effets de la protection sociale sur le travail des enfants à une analyse de données quantitatives et qualitatives, et reconnaît que cette question ne peut être abordée en considérant séparément la scolarité et le travail des filles.

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Notes

  1. www.younglives.org.uk/what-we-do.

  2. For example, they aim to increase female participation in paid work, but do not adequately address the absence of childcare. Similarly, they fail to acknowledge the vulnerability implicit in wage payments that are not indexed to inflation.

  3. Adato (2007) maintains that few qualitative studies on the impact of social protection schemes have been published, even in Latin America where CCTs originated (examples include Adato, 2000, Adato et al, 2000, Adato, 2007, Molyneux and Thomson, 2011, Streuli, 2010). While most studies focus on women’s experience of participation rather than girls’, the way programmes can reinforce gender roles and obscure increases in women’s labour (Molyneux, 2006) is clearly relevant to this paper.

  4. The composition of the household in terms of age and gender has been found to be an important influence on girls’ work in studies of, for example, Progresa-Oportunidades in Mexico. This dynamic is also visible in the case studies presented later; for example, Beletch takes responsibility for all the household chores as there are no other girls or women in the household, and Haymanot and Tsega were unable to go to school as they were looking after young siblings.

  5. I designed the qualitative fieldwork with Yisak Tafere (Ethiopia) and Uma Vennam (Andhra Pradesh), carried out training and piloting, and participated in the early individual and group interviews.

  6. I cannot confirm this figure in the whole sample because the girls are too young to be officially participating and thus this is unlikely to be reported in a survey.

  7. The reason why there are registered households that are not working is that some schemes are inactive and some households take job cards as a form of insurance.

  8. Of those who do not work, four are studying in residential hostels during the week as they live in a remote tribal area, and one has a disability.

  9. The equivalent figure for the whole sample ranged from 29 per cent to 35 per cent, which may reflect a pro-poor bias in the qualitative sample – see also figures for PSNP/NREGS participation.

  10. OFSP is a credit and agricultural extension programme in which PSNP recipients are compelled to participate to facilitate graduation from the scheme.

  11. All of the three cases from Ethiopia dropped out of school due to their own or others’ illness – Haymanot and Tsega to look after their mother and sister and Beletch to repay a loan for medical care.

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Acknowledgements

Thanks to Catherine Locke, Nitya Rao and participants at the International Conference on Migration, (Social) Reproduction and Social Protection (UEA-London, April 2012) for insightful comments on content and structure. The data used in this article come from Young Lives, which is core-funded by UK aid from the Department for International Development (DFID) for the benefit of developing countries. Sub-studies are funded by the Bernard van Leer Foundation, the Inter-American Development Bank (in Peru), the International Development Research Centre (in Ethiopia) and the Oak Foundation. The views expressed are those of the author. They are not necessarily those of, or endorsed by, Young Lives, the University of Oxford, DFID or other funders.

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Camfield, L. Growing Up in Ethiopia and Andhra Pradesh: The Impact of Social Protection Schemes on Girls’ Roles and Responsibilities. Eur J Dev Res 26, 107–123 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1057/ejdr.2013.36

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