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Inclusive Growth: Beyond Safety Nets?

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Abstract

Debates on inclusive growth have gained popularity within academic, public policy and private sector spheres. This article asks the question whether this has the potential to help move debates and policy beyond a still dominant safety nets paradigm. The emphasis on processes of growth – and hence livelihoods, employment and entrepreneurship – rather than re-distributing the benefits of growth is crucial in this. This reinforces the need to make institutions, formal and informal, an integral part of our understanding of growth, and inform policies that promote growth and inclusion simultaneously.

Abstract

Les débats sur la croissance inclusive ont gagné en popularité au sein des sphères académiques, des politiques publiques, et du secteur privé. Cet article cherche à savoir si cela a le potentiel d’aider les débats et les politiques à aller au-delà d’un paradigme encore dominant qui prône les filets de sécurité. L’accent mis sur les processus de croissance – et donc sur les moyens de subsistance, l’emploi et l’entrepreneuriat – plutôt que sur la re-distribution des bénéfices de la croissance, est crucial dans ce domaine. Cela renforce la nécessité de faire en sorte que les institutions, formelles et informelles, soient une partie intégrante de notre compréhension de la croissance, et d’instituer des politiques qui favorisent simultanément la croissance et l’inclusion.

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Notes

  1. This article does not refer to the important debates on sustainability, climate change and most recently ‘green growth’, which have also queried the measures of growth. For example, Gupta et al (2015, this issue) argue for a more encompassing approach to inclusive development, which takes into account sustainability and voice and empowerment, in addition to social equity concerns.

  2. For broader debates on ‘inclusive neo-liberalism’ see Porter and Craig (2004) and Burgoon (2013) on ‘re-embedded liberalism’.

  3. Kanbur and Lustig (1999). Birdsall et al (1995) emphasised that equal access to opportunities in terms of land and education was among the preconditions for East Asia’s success.

  4. Oxfam International (2011); White (2011) provides a useful overview of the debate over, definitions of and challenges to addressing inclusive growth effectively.

  5. de Haan and Thorat (2011) analyse the role of affirmative action in the politics of nation building in emerging economies.

  6. Government of India (2009), Planning Commission (2011). Also Ahluwalia (2011).

  7. Dev (2008), Chandra (2010), Kannan (2012), Thorat and Dubey (2012), UNDP (2013).

  8. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2010-10/13/content_11405073.htm. The World Bank and DRC (2012) sets out a perspective on reform to promote inclusiveness alongside growth and environmental sustainability. Yu and Wang (2012) develop a measure of inclusive growth for China.

  9. Throughout 2014, commodity and energy exports have been declining, which may impact growth as well as social policies.

  10. Ferreira et al (2006); Ravallion (2009). López-Calva and Lustig (2010) describe trends in Latin America.

  11. South Africa’s income inequalities have not come down since 1994, intra-group inequalities have risen, and there has been fierce debate about the potential negative impacts of social protection policies (Leibbrandt et al, 2013).

  12. African Development Bank (2011), with reference to Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt.

  13. Porter and Kramer (2011), London et al (2010). This has been promoted through organisations like the World Business Council for Social Development.

  14. Ravallion (2001). Comparability remains problematic (for example, Deaton, 2013, p. 220 ff), as shown in revisions of poverty headcounts following revisions of global price estimates.

  15. World Bank (2005); Ravallion (2014) highlights that poverty has declined but consumption of the poorest did not keep pace during 1981–2011.

  16. Datt and Ravallion (2000), Nissanke and Thorbecke (2005, p. 10) Fosu (2009).

  17. Tsui (1996), Datt and Ravallion (1992), Jain and Tendulkar (1990).

  18. Alongside the shifting poverty and inequality debates, the idea that poverty and inequality are multi-dimensional has become generally accepted, through the Human Development Report, which built on Amartya Sen’s notion of capabilities. See Stiglitz et al (2009); Club de Madrid (2011); Pouw and McGregor (2014).

  19. ‘Countries with less human development tend to have greater inequality in more dimensions – and thus larger losses in human development’ (UNDP, 2014). Measures in inequalities in human development like primary education have a greater tendency to decline than those of income.

  20. Deaton (2013, pp. 117–119) summarises the (lack of) link between growth and infant mortality in developing countries since 1950.

  21. Cross-country analyses have not convincingly demonstrated a link from inequality to economic growth, for inequality of outcomes or of opportunities (Ferreira et al, 2014). Van der Weide and Milanovic (2014) found that the influence of inequality on future growth ranges from positive, to neutral, to negative. Also Voitchovsky (2005), Banerjee and Duflo (2003), Forbes (2000), Barro (2000), Li and Zhou (1998).

  22. Ravallion (2009), Thorat, 2010.

  23. World Bank (2006) and preparatory papers for this report; IDRC (2013).

  24. Duflo (2012); also Kabeer (2012) and Kabeer and Natali (2013).

  25. Ravallion (2004). OPPG (2005, p. 19); Besley and Cord (2006); OECD, DAC (2006).

  26. Even when income shares remain constant with growth in average incomes, the absolute difference between income groups increases (Ravallion (2004) discusses absolute and relative inequality). Grinspun (2009), Osmani (2005) and Kakwani (2004) describe the debate on and definitions of pro-poor growth.

  27. The IMF paper by Anand et al (2013) builds on Ali and Son’s, distinguishing growth rates for different parts of income pyramids. Factors promoting inclusive growth include macroeconomic stability, human capital, structural changes, foreign direct investment and trade openness. This suggests that causal factors for inclusive growth are not very different from growth in general, broadly confirming findings from OPPG (2005) on pro-poor growth.

  28. Heintz (2012) emphasises the lack of consensus with respect to policies and definitions for the informal sector, and how this relates to inclusive growth. Also Bhalla (2007) and Kanbur (2013).

  29. Most measures of inclusive growth are at the level of individual attributes, but can also be applied to group differences; Thorat (2010), Thorat and Dubey (2012), for India, Ferreira and Gignoux (2008) for Latin America.

  30. Timmer (2004), OPPG (2005) which defined pro-poor growth in terms of income increases of bottom deciles of the income distribution.

  31. Birdsall et al (1995). This social policy model has been characterised as ‘productivist’ (Holliday, 2000). High human development indicators in East Asia, including China, were achieved with low levels of public spending.

  32. Knack and Keefer (1997), Kaufman and Kraay (2002), Khan (2012), WEF (2015).

  33. Fingleton (2014) emphasises close links between business and politics as a barrier to inclusive growth; Dutz et al (2011) examine the impact of business environments on innovation and inclusion.

  34. This is mostly based on assessments of survey respondents and experts (www.govindicators.org). Similar data are available from the Corruption Perceptions Index, the Doing Business Project and the Ibrahim Index of African Governance.

  35. Kaufman and Kraay (2002) show a casual relation from governance to growth, but not in the other direction.

  36. Reich (2008) argues that during the period of ‘super-capitalism’ institutions of sharing of wealth and political power have been eroded.

  37. Hickey et al (2014) emphasise the need for context-specific research on the way politics shape inclusive development. See also, for example, the edited volume by Houtzager and Moore (2004).

  38. See Micklethwait and Wooldridge’s (2014) description of China’s leadership academy. Zhang et al (2010) emphasise the process of learning and experimentation that has driven reforms and growth.

  39. World Development Report 2015 reflects this to a certain extent, but has a strong individualistic focus, with social norms as one of the factors influencing individuals’ decision making.

  40. Coleman (1988) and Putnam et al (1993), Haussmann (2014)

  41. Van Staveren et al (2014), de Haan and Foa (2014) elaborating on Africa. The nature of the underlying indicators is varied, including expert opinions, recorded incidences/events, self-reported events and perceptions (for example, of trust).

  42. This does not necessarily imply a suggestion for a composite indicator of inclusive growth (or development); see Ravallion (2010) for arguments for keeping indicators separate.

  43. Cross-country comparisons drawing on the World Values Survey (with an OECD focus) suggest an inter-relationship between inclusive social development and political institutions: ‘socioeconomic development, cultural modernization, and gradations of democracy constitute one coherent syndrome of social change’ (Welzel et al, 2001, p. 29).

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  1. International Development Research Centre, Ottawa, Canada

    Arjan de Haan

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de Haan, A. Inclusive Growth: Beyond Safety Nets?. Eur J Dev Res 27, 606–622 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1057/ejdr.2015.47

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