Abstract
Why have two successive US administrations concluded that fighting terrorism must involve democracy promotion? This assumption became prevalent in US political discourse following the events of September 11 despite the fact that the empirical evidence linking democracy and terrorism is weak or ambiguous. More strikingly, it has persisted even after the missions to establish democracies in Afghanistan and Iraq have led to increasing violence, including a worldwide increase in terrorist attacks. This article argues that the link between democracy and terrorism was established by the combined effect of three factors: (a) the framing of the September 11 attacks in a way that increased the receptivity to this conceptual opposition between freedom and fear; (b) the ideological influence of the Wilsonian tradition, as manifested today in an unusual consensus between modern neo-conservatives and liberal internationalists on the desirability of democratic reform as a means of changing foreign policy behaviour; and (c) a powerful bipartisan domestic constituency in favour of democracy promotion. Owing to these three factors, the contraposition of democracy and terrorism in American political discourse is effectively over-determined because it mirrors the dominant ideological and political preferences of American elites. This fixed preference for democracy promotion explains why the Obama Administration has remained wedded to the binary distinction between freedom and fear in its public statements despite its efforts to break in style and substance with the policies of its predecessor.
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Notes
For a thoughtful account of such a wave of devastating attacks might affect American society, see Ignatieff (2004).
As Robert Jervis notes, contradictory assumptions can often be held simultaneously by individuals, often without recognizing the apparent contradiction (2009).
President Clinton has been forceful in rebutting these claims, see Grunwald (2006).
In an interview with the New York Times, Senator Kerry argued that the United States should aim to return terrorism to more of a ‘nuisance’ than an existential security threat. This view was repeatedly attacked by the Bush campaign and arguably contributed to the failure of his presidential campaign, see Bai (2004).
For a noted exception that injects a note of caution on exporting democracy, see Barber (2003).
The term epistemic community is defined here as Peter Haas uses the term ‘a network of professionals with recognized expertise and competence in a particular domain and an authoritative claim to policy-relevant knowledge within that domain or issue area’ (1992).
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The author is grateful for comments and critique from Faye Donnelly, Karin Fierke, Emma Leonard and Tony Lang.
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Boyle, M. Between freedom and fear: Explaining the consensus on terrorism and democracy in US foreign policy. Int Polit 48, 412–433 (2011). https://doi.org/10.1057/ip.2011.1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/ip.2011.1