Abstract
This article contends that China’s rise is negatively affecting the European Union (EU)’s ability to act as a ‘normative’ and ‘civilian’ power in international relations. Specifically, China’s rise, and the European reactions to this rise, are interfering with the EU’s ability to spread ‘new sovereignty’, which holds that sovereignty is violable and interference in other states’ internal affairs is valid, particularly when human rights issues are concerned. New sovereignty not only defines the EU as a political entity, but also the EU has actively pursued it in its external relations. In contrast to the EU, China has been defending ‘traditional sovereignty’, which sees human rights as a domestic matter. These competing notions of sovereignty also lead to contrasting models of economic development by the two powers. In discussions of new versus traditional sovereignty, the article focuses on two crucial areas – the role of human rights in the EU-China relationship as well as the two parties’ interactions with countries in Africa. These discussions offer insights into both the projection of the EU’s power and the impact of China’s rise on the international system.
Similar content being viewed by others
Notes
Author’s calculations from World Trade Organization’s World Trade Statistics 2002–2011; numbers are for total merchandise trade by region.
Although Mattlin (2012) and Crookes (2013) mention some of the literature on the EU as a normative actor, differently from this article, the former focuses on the EU’s normative impact on China, while the latter argues against the EU’s normative engagement with China.
Sovereignty denotes the state's ‘entitlement to rule over a demarcated territory’ (Held et al, 1999, p. 52). For a discussion of the concept, see International Politics (2009, p. 46(6)).
The discussions do not assume that China’s effects on the EU are irreversible, nor do they assume they go uncontested. By the same token, the international system could move toward the EU-ideal of new sovereignty without the EU’s efforts. Still, whether the EU can effectively champion new sovereignty is a critical element of understanding the nature of the contemporary international system.
New and traditional sovereignty do not necessarily occupy the extreme ends of a continuum on sovereignty.
The above discussions do not suggest that the EU exhibits impeccable coherence or consistency in the pursuit of the various components of human rights (see, for example, Lerch and Schwellnus, 2006).
As a comparison, the top contributor, Bangladesh, had over 10 000 military personnel across the missions, while Pakistan had over 9000 and India had over 8000.
This information was compiled from Global Policy Forum, www.globapolicy.org.
For overviews of China’s aid and trade relations in Africa, see, for example, Tull (2006), Alden (2007), Broadman (2008) and Campbell (2008).
The important point here is not that the EU applies conditionality in its aid, but rather the kind of political conditionality it applies.
Full text of the Cotonou Agreement can be accessed here: http://www2.ohchr.org/
Non-interference does not mean the absence of economic conditionality, such as the usage of Chinese subcontractors in infrastructure projects, which is extensive in Chinese aid (Alden and Hughes, 2009).
Quoted in ‘Africa holds its own view on aid’, 21 August 2011 in http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/indepth/2011-08/21/c_131064221.htm (accessed 10 December 2012).
The analysis of intra-EU divisions over human rights extends beyond the scope of this analysis (see, for example, Smith, 2010). Yet, preliminary studies of these divisions indicate support for this article’s argument that human rights issues have taken a backseat to commercial interests, which leads to economic competition among the Europeans (see UK, House of Lords, 2010).
References
Abdelal, R. and Meunier, S . (2010) managed globalization: Doctrine, practice and promise. Journal of European Public Policy 17 (3): 350–367.
Africa Union Commission (AUC). (2010) China and Africa: Assessing the relationship on the eve of the fourth forum on China Africa Cooperation. The Bulletin of Fridays of the Commission 3 (1): 1–75.
Alden, C. (2007) China in Africa. London/New York: Zed Books.
Alden, C. and Hughes, C. (2009) Harmony and discord in China’s Africa strategy: Some implications for foreign policy. China Quarterly (199): 563–584.
Baregu, M. (2008) Africa-China-EU relations: A view from Africa. In: China-Europe-Africa Cooperation: Chances and Challenges, Proceedings of the 6th Shanghai Workshop on Global Governance, March 14–15. Shanghai, China: Shanghai Institute for International Studies and Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.
Bjoerkdahl, A. (2008) Norm advocacy: A small state strategy to influence the EU. Journal of European Public Policy 15 (1): 135–154.
Broadman, H. (2008) China and India go to Africa – New deals in the developing world. Foreign Affairs 87 (2): 95–109.
Brooks, S. and Wohforth, W. (2005) Hard times for soft balancing. International Security 30 (1): 72–108.
Bukovansky, M. (2002) Legitimacy and Power Politics: The American and French Revolutions in International Political Culture. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Callahan, W. (2007) Future imperfect: The European Union’s encounter with China (and the United States). Journal of Strategic Studies 30 (4–5): 777–807.
Campbell, H. (2008) China in Africa: Challenging US global hegemony. Third World Quarterly 29 (1): 89–105.
Carlson, A. (2004) Helping to keep the peace (albeit reluctantly): China’s recent stance on sovereignty and multilateral intervention. Pacific Affairs 77 (1): 9–27.
Chayes, A. and Chayes, A.H. (1995) The New Sovereignty: Compliance with International Regulatory Agreements. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Contessi, N.P. (2010) Multilateralism, intervention and norm contestation: China’s stance on darfur in the UN security council. Security Dialogue 41 (3): 323–344.
Cooper, A. and Fues, T. (2008) Do the asian drivers pull their diplomatic weight? China, India, and the United Nations. World Development 36 (2): 293–307.
Crookes, P.I. (2013) Resetting EU-China relationship from a values-based to an interests-based engagement. International Politics 1–25, first available online on 5 July 2013.
Deng, Y. (2007) Remolding great power politics: China’s strategic partnerships with Russia, the European Union, and India. Journal of Strategic Studies 30 (4–5): 863–903.
Diez, T. (2005) Constructing the self and changing others: Reconsidering ‘normative power Europe’. Millennium: Journal of International Studies 33 (3): 613–636.
Elgstrom, O. (2009) Trade and aid? The negotiated construction of EU policy on economic partnership agreements. International Politics 46 (4): 451–468.
Etzioni, A. (2011) China: Making an adversary. International Politics 48 (6): 647–666.
European Commission. (2012a) Trade statistics, http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2009/september/tradoc_144591.pdf, accessed 10 December 2012.
European Commission. (2012b) Trade statistics, http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2006/september/tradoc_113366.pdf, accessed 10 December 2012.
The European Consensus. (2006) Joint declaration by the Council and the representatives of the governments of the Member States meeting within the Council, the European Parliament and the Commission on the development policy of the European Union. Official Journal C 46 of 24.2.2006.
European Parliament (EP). (2007) Report A6-0302/2007, 30 July 2007.
Fehl, C. (2004) Explaining the International Criminal Court: A ‘practice test’ for rationalist and constructivist approaches. European Journal of International Relations 10 (3): 357–394.
Finnemore, M. (2009) Legitimacy, hypocrisy, and the social structure of unipolarity why being a unipole isn’ t all it’s cracked up to be. World Politics 61 (1): 58–85.
FOCAC. (2009) Beijing Declaration of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, 25 September 2009.
Foot, R. (2000) Rights Beyond Borders: The Global Community and the Struggle Over Human Rights in China. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press.
Fox, J. and Godemet, F. (2009) A power audit of EU-China relations. European Council on Foreign Relations, ecfr.eu, accessed 10 December 2012.
Glanville, L. (2011) The antecedents of ‘sovereignty as responsibility’. European Journal of International Relations 17 (2): 233–255.
Gowan, R and Brantner, F (2008) A global force for human rights? An audit of power at the UN. European Council on Foreign Relations.
Hafner-Burton, E. (2005) Trading human rights: How preferential trade agreements influence government repression. International Organization 59 (3): 593–629.
He, K. and Feng, H. (2012) Debating China’s assertiveness: Taking China’s power and interests seriously. International Politics 49 (5): 633–644.
Held, D., McGrew, A., Goldblatt, D. and Perraton, J. (1999) Global Transformations: Politics, Economics and Culture. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Holslag, J. (2010) Europe’s normative disconnect with the emerging powers. BICCS Asia Paper 5 (4): 1–21.
Hyde-Price, A. (2008) A ‘tragic actor’? A realist perspective on ‘ethical power Europe’. International Affairs 84 (1): 29–44.
Ikenberry, G. (2008) The rise of China and the future of the West – Can the liberal system survive? Foreign Affairs 87 (1): 23–37.
Ikenberry, G. (2009) Liberal internationalism 3.0: America and the dilemmas of liberal world order. Perspectives on Politics 7 (1): 71–87.
Johnston, A. (2003) Is China a status quo power? International Security 27 (4): 5–56.
Krasner, S. (1995/1996) Compromising Westphalia. International Security 20 (3): 115–151.
Legro, J.W. (2007) What will China want: The future intentions of a rising power. Perspectives on Politics 5 (3): 515–534.
Lerch, M. and Schwellnus, G. (2006) Normative by nature? The role of coherence in justifying the EU’s external human rights policy. Journal of European Public Policy 13 (2): 304–321.
Manners, I. (2006a) Normative power Europe reconsidered: Beyond the crossroads. Journal of European Public Policy 13 (2): 182–199.
Manners, I. (2006b) The European union as a normative power: A response to Thomas Diez. Millennium - Journal of International Studies 35 (1): 167–180.
Manners, I. (2008) The normative ethics of the European Union. International Affairs 84 (1): 45–60.
Mattlin, M. (2012) Dead on arrival: Normative EU policy towards China. Asia-Europe Journal 10 (2–3): 181–198.
Maull, H. (2005) Europe and the new balance of global order. International Affairs 81 (4): 775–799.
Mearsheimer, J. (2006) China’s unpeaceful rise. Current History 105 (690): 160–162.
Men, J. and Barton, B. (eds.) (2011) China and the European Union in Africa: Partners or Competitors? Surrey, UK: Ashgate.
Min, W. (2011) Statement to the Security Council Meeting on United Nations Peacekeeping Operations, 27 July 2007.
Moravcsik, A. (2009) Europe: The quiet superpower. French Politics 7 (3/4): 403–422.
Pan, Z. (2010) Managing the conceptual gap on sovereignty in China-EU relations. Asia –Europe Journal 8 (2): 227–243.
Pape, R. (2005) Soft balancing against the United States. International Security 30 (1): 7–45.
Portela, C. (2010) European Union Sanctions and Foreign Policy: When and Why do they Work? New York, NY: Routledge.
Reus-Smit, C. (2001) Human rights and the social construction of sovereignty. Review of International Studies 27 (4): 519–538.
Ross, R.S. and Feng, Z. (eds.) (2008) China’s Ascent: Power, Security, and the Future of International Politics. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Rosenau, J.N. (1997) Along the Domestic-Foreign Frontier: Exploring Governance in a Turbulent World. Cambridge, UK; New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
Sautenet, A. (2007) The current status and prospects of the ‘strategic partnership’ between the EU and China: Towards the conclusion of a partnership and cooperation agreement. European Law Journal 13 (6): 699–731.
Scheipers, S. and Sicurelli, D. (2007) Normative power Europe: A credible utopia? Journal of Common Market Studies 45 (2): 435–457.
Shambaugh, D. (2005) The new strategic triangle: US and European reactions to China’s rise. Washington Quarterly 28 (3): 7–25.
Simmons, B. and Danner, A. (2010) Credible commitments and the International Criminal Court. International Organization 64 (2): 225–256.
Sjursen, H. (2006) The EU as a ‘normative’ power: How can this be? Journal of European Public Policy 13 (2): 235–251.
Smith, K.E. (2010) The european union at the human rights Council: speaking with one voice but having little influence. Journal of European Public Policy 17 (2): 224–241.
Taneja, P. (2010) China-Europe relations: The limits of strategic partnership. International Politics 47 (3–4): 371–387.
Taylor, I. (2010) Governance and relations between the European union and Africa: The case of NEPAD. Third World Quarterly 31 (1): 51–67.
Taylor, I. (2011) The EU’s perceptions and interests towards China’s rising influence on human rights in Africa. In: J. Men and B. Barton (eds.) China and the European Union in Africa: Partners or Competitors? Surrey, UK: Ashgate.
Thomas, D. (2009) Rejecting the US challenge to the international criminal court: Normative entrapment and compromise in EU policy-making. International Politics 46 (4): 376–394.
Tull, D. (2006) China’ engagement in Africa: Scope, significance and consequences. Journal of Modern African Studies 44 (3): 459–479.
Tull, D. (2008) The political consequences of China’s return to Africa. In: C. Alden, D. Large and R. Soares de Oliveira, China Returns to Africa: A Rising Power and A Continent Embrace. New York: Columbia University Press.
UK, House of Lords. (2010) The European Union Committee – Seventh Report. Stars and Dragons: The EU and China, http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200910/ldselect/ldeucom/76/7602.htm, accessed 9 March 2010.
Yishan, Z. (2006) Statement at the 2006 Session of the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations of the United Nations, 27 February 2006.
Youngs, R. (2004) Normative dynamics and strategic interests in the EU's external identity. Journal of Common Market Studies: 415–435.
Yunguo, S. (2008) Comparison of China-Africa and Europe-Africa relations. In: China-Europe-Africa Cooperation: Chances and Challenges, Proceedings of the 6th Shanghai Workshop on Global Governance; March 14–15. Shanghai, China: Shanghai Institute for International Studies and Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.
Wallace, W. (1999) The sharing of sovereignty: The European paradox. Political Studies 47 (3): 503–521.
Wan, M. (2007) The United States, Japan, and the European Union: Comparing political economy approaches to China. Pacific Review 20 (3): 397–421.
Wang, H. and Rosenau, J. N. (2009) China and global governance. Asian Perspective 33 (3): 5–39.
Wenping, H. (2007) The balancing act of China’s Africa policy. China Security 3 (3): 23–40.
Wissenbach, U. (2008) The Renaissance or the end of geopolitics? Towards trilateral cooperation in Africa. In: Proceedings of the 6th Shanghai Workshop on Global Governance, March 14–15.
Wiessala, G. (2010) Intellectual legacies, ethical policies and normative territories: Situating the human rights issue in EU-Asia relations. International Politics: 419–432.
Zhu, Y. (2011) China and international ‘human rights diplomacy’. China: An International Journal 9 (2): 217–245.
Zuma, J. (2012) Zuma warns on Africa’s ties to China. The Financial Times 19 July.
Acknowledgements
For helpful comments on early drafts of this work, the author thanks Orfeo Fioretos, Geoffrey Herrera, Mark Pollack, Andrew Orloff and Dominic Tierney.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Rights and permissions
About this article
Cite this article
Kaya, A. The EU’s China problem: A battle over norms. Int Polit 51, 214–233 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1057/ip.2014.4
Published:
Issue Date:
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/ip.2014.4