Abstract
In an era of emerging powers and growing interconnectedness, transatlantic relations have lost their bearings. Elaborating a paradigm replacing the Cold War-era notion of a community based on shared interests and identity is, however, an exercise fraught with problems. The empirical evidence is contrasting: signs of estrangement, such as the US ‘pivot to Asia’, coexist with instances of cooperation that hint at an enduring partnership, such as the plan for a transatlantic free trade area. Theoretically, the evolution of the relationship appears in a different light depending on the assumed perspective. In this article we build three alternative scenarios based on a neorealist, constructivist and liberal understanding of social politics. We argue that, by using the scenarios as analytical tools rather than predictions of the future, we may draw a more accurate picture. We then identify the conditioning factors that may set transatlantic relations on a specific path of development.
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Notes
All data mentioned in this paragraph are elaborations by the authors of World Bank, WTO, UNCTAD and SIPRI data.
All data in this paragraph are re-elaboration by the authors of WTO, European Commission and US Department of Commerce data.
Forty-five out of the fifty US states export more to Europe than they do to China. Strikingly, they include Texas (the major exporter to the EU among US states) and Pacific and Asia-oriented California (Galston, 2013).
When asked whether the EU or Asia were more important to US national interests, a 55 per cent of Americans responded that the EU was more important than Asia – a shift of 17 percentage points over the 2011 survey (German Marshall Fund, 2012).
As opposed to multipolarity, non-polarity emphasizes that while the former unipole – the United States – may be declining, it is not being matched by other poles of equivalent status (Haass, 2008). Inter-polarity instead stresses the meaning of multipolarity in an interconnected and interdependent world, where what matter is not simply the poles, but also and above all what takes places between them (Grevi, 2009).
A ‘cooperative security structure’ is not a cooperation-based system but rather a system in which competition is not played out on an existential level. In other words, in a cooperative security structure international players compete for gains while still recognizing the sovereignty (and the rights that come with) of each other (Wendt, 1999).
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This article is a profoundly revised and updated version of an early working paper produced in the context of the European Union-funded Transworld project on the future of the transatlantic relationship and its role in the world.
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Tocci, N., Alcaro, R. Rethinking transatlantic relations in a multipolar era. Int Polit 51, 366–389 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1057/ip.2014.10
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/ip.2014.10