Abstract
This article examines how evil has been conceptualised in the discipline of international relations and contributes to a body of critical literature that treats evil as a legitimacy bestowing label. By drawing on securitisation theory, it suggests developing a performative approach to evil as an alternative to descriptive and normative approaches. It is argued that such an approach would not only be valuable for understanding the effects of naming and grading evil, but also fulfils three additional functions. First, it facilitates a shift away from applying intention as the primary measure for determining matters of guilt and condemnation. Second, it challenges the privileged position of the powerful when appointing particular phenomena/adversaries as evil. Finally, it provides an analytical starting point for understanding conflict constellations where different parameters of legitimacy seem to clash. This last function requires particular sensitivity towards the audience and the cultural context of ‘evilising’ moves.
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Notes
In this article the term ‘culture’ is not understood as a meta-civilisational category, but is applied as a term denoting that its members share a set of beliefs and notions of validity that serve as a frame for their actions and decisions. Shared meaning can be found in sub-categories of, or a cross-cut of, civilisational categories and faith traditions.
Rengger argues that the just war tradition has remained relevant in the twenty-first century because it can account for and legitimise Western societies’ decisions to go to war. Attempts to make it into a theory represent the need for ‘a kind of moral slide-rule from which legitimate instances of the use of force can be read off whenever necessary’ (Rengger, 2002, p. 360).
My survey of the appearance of ‘evil’ in articles published by Millennium, International Organization, International Studies Quarterly, World Politics and International Security during the past decade shows that there are also normative and descriptive ways of approaching evil. However, it seems that poststructuralist and constructivist approaches have been dominant in the treatment of evil in IR in the past decade. Yet, it should be noted that part of descriptive posture of evil is found in literature on transitional justice and truth commissions published in journals other than the above mentioned.
The term ‘securitisation’, coined by Ole Wæver in 1995, was developed into a comprehensive theory in Buzan et al (1998). Overall, the Copenhagen School of security studies represents a poststructuralist approach to security and contributes with a broadened perception of security by conceptualising it as a speech act, that is, security as something that is done by uttering it, rather than something that ‘is’.
The applicability of securitisation is broader and can potentially embrace securitisations in many different contexts, thus referring to processes involving threats to the environment, a company, a nation and so on, and the dynamics of evilisation would not always be relevant.
For this point, see also Asad (2007).
Tradition here implies the same as the term ‘culture’ as applied in this article (see Footnote 2): ‘A tradition is an argument extended through time in which certain fundamental agreements are defined and redefined’ (see McIntyre, 1988, p. 12).
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Acknowledgements
An initial version of this article was presented at the research workshop ‘Evil in International Politics’, Frankfurt, 11–12 May 2012. I owe thanks to Stefano Guzzini and Robin May Schott for their critical comments on earlier drafts. Also a special thanks to Maja Greenwood for excellent research assistance. A later draft was presented at a panel on evil at the 2013 ISA Annual Convention in San Francisco, and I am grateful for the comments provided by discussant Jack Amoureux. Finally, I am grateful for the helpful comments by the anonymous reviewer and by the editors of this special issue, to whom I also owe special thanks for inviting me to explore this intriguing topic.
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Sheikh, M. Appointing evil in international relations. Int Polit 51, 492–507 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1057/ip.2014.22
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/ip.2014.22