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How ‘new’ is the ‘New Regionalism’ in the Americas? The case of MERCOSUR

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Abstract

‘New Regionalism’ (NR) approaches have emphasized the qualitative differences between the more recent wave of regionalism and regional integration attempts in the post-World War II period. This article assesses the extent to which these claims to newness are empirically justified in the specific case of MERCOSUR, the largest regional trade bloc in Latin America. It argues that, consistent with NR perspectives, regionalism in South America since the 1990s has been part of a broader process of national and global economic transformation, which has influenced the character of the process of integration itself. Yet, a careful examination of MERCOSUR suggests that the extent of its newness should not be overstated. MERCOSUR remains a state-led, primarily commercial initiative, and its evolution and sustainability have been fundamentally linked to strategic factors and power configurations at the regional and hemispheric levels. Based on these empirical findings, the article challenges the usefulness of the analytical and theoretical separation between NR and mainstream international relations approaches and illustrates the ways in which their insights can be combined and complemented in the explanation of contemporary regionalism.

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Notes

  1. According to a recent report by the World Trade Organization, of the total number of notified regional trade agreements (RTAs), 27 per cent are North–South agreements, and 25 per cent are South–South (Fiorentino et al. 2007).

  2. A distinction must be made between the ‘new regionalism’ as the empirical manifestation of the most recent wave of regional integration and the ‘New Regionalism’ literature or scholarly approach. The latter must be seen as the scholarly investigation of the former.

  3. Axline, quoted in Hout (1999: 23).

  4. See also Hettne (1999).

  5. More recently, Hettne (2003) has emphasized the importance of complementing the focus which his earlier formulation of the new regionalism approach placed on the global context with a focus on the endogenous dimensions of regionalism. The ‘New Regionalism Theory’ thus underlines the importance of agency while capturing the multidimensional nature of the process of regionalization within a particular geographical area.

  6. While emphasizing the importance of non-state actors, Hettne (2005: 554) recognizes the enduring relevance of states: ‘[This] is by no means equivalent to rejecting the state. States and intergovernmental organisations are often crucial actors and objects of analysis in the process of regionalization’.

  7. See Hurrell (1998) for a more detailed description of the origins of cooperation between Argentina and Brazil.

  8. Cardoso, quoted in Solingen (1998: 151).

  9. Gudynas and da Cruz (2002) also stress the ‘individualistic’ responses of MERCOSUR partners during the 1990s.

  10. Interview with Roque Fernandez, Argentine Minister of Finance, 1997–1999.

  11. This argument is further developed in Gomez-Mera (2005b).

  12. In the words of Jorge Litzman, Executive Director of the Argentine Footwear Chamber, Jorge Litzman, ‘Campbell seemed to be working for the Brazilians’ (Interview, Buenos Aires, October 2002).

  13. Interview with Nestor de Paula, President of Abicalçados, Novo Hamburgo, October 2002. According to de Paula, ‘The footwear dispute made the two governments very uncomfortable. So the Brazilian government pressed us to sign an agreement’.

  14. Interviews with Guido Di Tella, Argentine Foreign Minister, 1991–1999 (July 2000); Samuel Pinheiro Guimarães, Brazilian diplomat (August 2000); and Felix Peña, Argentine Under-Secretary of Foreign Trade, 1998–1999 (November 2002), all of them actively involved in the early stages of Argentine-Brazilian negotiations.

  15. Interview with Luis Felipe Lampreia, Brazilian Foreign Minister 1995–2001 (November 2002).

  16. For example, in ‘El mercosur de Lula’ La Nación (18 November, 2002), Brazilian Foreign Minister Celso Amorim was quoted as saying ‘The policy of integration with the neighbours is crucial to make Brazil's interests prevail […] a real project of integration, a mercosur with its own identity, to negotiate joint entry to the ftaa proposed by the us’. Similarly, soon after becoming president, Kirchner stated his intention to ‘give priority to the policy of South American integration in order to strengthen [Argentina's] negotiating power vis-à-vis developed countries’ (La Nación, 27 May, 2003).

  17. For a more detailed discussion on MERCOSUR's institutional structure, see Bouzas and Soltz (2001).

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  1. Department of International Studies, University of Miami, 1000 Memorial Drive, Coral Gables, FL, 33124, USA

    Laura Gómez-Mera

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Gómez-Mera, L. How ‘new’ is the ‘New Regionalism’ in the Americas? The case of MERCOSUR. J Int Relat Dev 11, 279–308 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1057/jird.2008.14

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