Abstract
This paper seeks to provide a historically informed analysis of Europe, understood as an ‘essentially contested concept’, whereby Turkey is interpreted as a critical point of reference that evokes different discursive constructions of Europe, either including or excluding Turkey. At first, the theoretical-methodological section of this paper will introduce a discourse analytical research programme which utilizes the radically constructivist notion of communication as formulated by Niklas Luhmann in order to analyze the processes of inclusion and exclusion built into various constructions of Europe. Then, the empirical section of this paper analyzes more than 40 years of British and German news coverage (1960–2004). One of the main empirical findings is that Turkey is neither seen as a stable European ‘Other’ nor as a European ‘Self’. Instead, Turkey is predominantly interpreted as ‘the thing on the (European) doorstep’, thereby stimulating various differing constructions of Europe.
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Notes
Research for his article was conducted within the German Research Council-funded Collaborative Research Centre 584 ‘The Political as Communicative Space in History’; a fuller elaboration of the empirical results, particularly also pertaining to the late 1980s can be found in Walter (2008).
The following paragraphs further develop some parts of an argument which was first sketched out in Albert (2005).
This dynamic has been demonstrated in Russian–European relations by Neumann (1998).
The agreement entered into force on 1 December, 1964.
We are thus not trying to adopt Luhmanns modern systems theory, as a full-fledged theory of society, but just make use of his concepts of communication and distinction/difference. See Krämer (2001).
Maybe, for example, as a coordinated set of movements of the body (e.g. to tap one's forehead) or as words, which are compounded of formerly unfixed letters and fade away after their verbal use.
The selected and uttered information may then be adopted or rejected by alter.
See, for example, Fairclough (1995), Luhmann (1996), Merten (1977).
Which is not to suggest that there is no real world ‘out there’. See Goodman (1978): Chapters I and VI, Lenk (1993: 25), Laclau and Mouffe (2001: 108).
Which is not to say that authors have no intentions; however, an observer cannot observe them directly. See Nassehi (1997), but see also Ricœur (1991).
There are of course other possible steps towards an operationalization of discourse theoretical ideas for empirical research. See, for example, Larsen (1997), Diez (1999), Torfing (1999), Jørgensen and Phillips (2002), Howarth and Torfing (2005).
The similarity of approaches is underscored by Luhmann's many references to Derrida in his later writings.
Like for example the French (with a huge Muslim minority), the Austrian (with the historical experience of the Ottoman sieges of Vienna in 1529 and 1683), or of the former Yugoslavian countries (with a good deal of commonly shared Muslim and Ottoman history). For an overview, see Giannakopoulos and Maras (2005); also Baasner (2008).
The selection of newspapers sought to cover a broad spectrum of the print media landscape in both countries. Exemplary samples of more newspapers in both cases did not lead to significant deviations from the results gained from the present analysis. We proceeded on the basis of a full analysis of all newspaper contents (all genres and text sorts). In total, 844 articles matching our search items (like Europe, EEC, EC, EU, and Turkey) were analyzed (1960–1963: 68 German articles, of which 53 in FAZ, 15 in Der Spiegel, and 15 in Bild, and 63 British articles, of which 29 in The Times and 14 in The Economist; December 1999–2004: 538 German articles, of which 438 in FAZ, 20 in Der Spiegel, and 80 in Bild, and 178 British articles, of which 105 in The Times, 53 in The Economist: 53, and 17 in The Daily Mirror.
It is supposed that discourses are concentrated around specific historical-discursive events and are directed by discursive scripts. See Schwab-Trapp (2002: 63).
The period between 1963 and 1987, for example, is remarkably less ‘thick’. Of course, the selected years are nevertheless contingent, which means that they could have also been chosen differently. However, they seem to include decisive historical events and relevant newspaper articles to answer the proposed questions.
All translations from German newspaper articles are our own.
We may thus talk of a ‘chain of equivalence’. For this, see Laclau and Mouffe (2001: 127–34).
This implication is further supported by repeated references to the growing Turkish population. This also leads to first interpretations of Turkish foreign workers (‘Gastarbeiter’) as being a threat to German society (‘The Turks are coming’, FAZ, 28 March, 1962)
Which are mainly suggested to be economic or monetary. But the economic discourse is a minority position in 1962. This untrustworthiness somehow refers to the much older picture of the ‘sly Oriental’. See Said (1979)
Which means that terms and concepts originally formulated in a psychoanalytical context to analyze individual persons are — metaphorically — projected upon an entire country, geographical area or people. See Lakoff and Johnson (1980: Chapter 7).
For example, economic aid programmes should aim for keeping Turkey militarily strong ‘while at the same time bracing her tottering economy to resist the dangers of communist subversion’ (Times, 16 March, 1962).
A discursive formation is characterized as integrating different thematic discourses (e.g. geostrategic, economic, cultural etc.) into one larger formation, as all the discourses are explicitly connected to each other.
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We thank the editors and the three anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper.
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Walter, J., Albert, M. Turkey on the European doorstep: British and German debates about Turkey in the European Communities. J Int Relat Dev 12, 223–250 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1057/jird.2009.13
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/jird.2009.13