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Coalitions of change: explaining IMF low-income country reform in the post-Washington Consensus

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Abstract

Contemporary scholarship focused on the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has identified various external and internal actors involved in individual cases of Low-Income Country (LIC) reform. Currently underdeveloped in the literature is comparative exploration of how these actors inform policy shifts in the institution. This paper addresses this concern through a study of four cases of LIC reform from 1996 to 2010. Evidence from these cases suggests that a significant policy shift only occurs when a successful coalition is constructed between or among ‘primary’ (powerful states, the IMF Managing Director (MD), IMF staff) and ‘secondary’ (poor states, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), the US Congress) actors. As such, while the actors may change, coalition formation is a necessary condition for LIC policy reform. Data drawn from the cases also supports several assumptions of principal-agent and sociological organisational theory. With regard to the former, LIC staff and the MD exhibited greater agency in policy formation when powerful state preferences were divided. When the reform in question challenged organisational culture, the MD and/or senior staff in the Strategy Policy and Review Department took on the role of strategic ‘norm entrepreneur’ through persuading others to join coalitions of change. Inclusion of the most recent case of LIC change following the 2008 crisis also highlights the evolving relationship between NGOs and IMF LIC policy outcomes. While NGOs were centrally involved in LIC reform efforts in the late 1990s, they were not significant agents of change in the post-2008 period.

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Notes

  1. Since the crisis, US$17 billion has been allocated to support new concessional lending programmes. As of 2012, 62 LICs participated in concessional lending arrangements.

  2. This model is drawn directly from Nielson and Tierney’s (2003: 255) conception of the PA relationship between powerful state principals and the World Bank. Nielson and Tierney also note that divided power between legislative and executive branches also occurs in France during periods of cohabitation.

  3. The GAB, established in 1962, allows the Fund to borrow up to $27 billion from 11 industrial countries on a short-term basis. The NAB, created in 1998, serves as the first stop-gap source to supplement quota resources, particularly in times of financial crisis.

  4. As of 2005, the Government Accounting Office has identified 70 legislative mandates passed by Congress since 1945 (US Government Accounting Office 2006: 2–3).

  5. Proponents of ISI argued that developing states heavily involved in primary exports would see long-term decline in demand and price for their products, as compared with manufactured goods. ISI policies therefore focused on industrialising poor states through a series of measures that included: (1) Tariffs and quotas on imported consumer goods and overvalued exchange rates to stimulate internal consumer demand for infant industries while allowing manufacturers to import materials needed for production, (2) High investment by the state in infrastructure required by industry (roads, water, electricity), (3) Nationalisation of key industries (e.g, oil or utilities) and/or creation of state-private consortiums, and (4) Support of urban workforce through price controls and subsidies.

  6. The Paris Club is an informal group currently made up of 19 countries (primarily from the OECD) and chaired by the French Treasury. Meeting every 6 weeks in Paris, it seeks ‘to find coordinated and sustainable solutions to the payment difficulties experienced by debtor countries’. The IMF plays a prominent role in Paris Club negotiations, as any commitment to rescheduling debt often requires the debtor state in question to have an active Fund programme in place and be in good standing with reform efforts. Since 1956, 422 agreements with 88 debtor states have been reached.

  7. US Treasury Secretary Nicholas Brady (1988-1993) argued that debt reduction was necessary for some highly indebted states to regain creditworthiness. The Brady Plan stipulated that commercial banks in the United States that reduced principal or interest on debt would receive guarantees of repayment on remaining debt. Along with Japan, the Fund and Bank financed debt guarantees for 17 states (mostly from Latin America) from 1990 to 1997.

  8. By 1996, highly indebted poor countries paid nearly half of their debt payments to multilateral creditors.

  9. Both the Fund and World Bank sought to defend their position as ‘preferred creditors’ as the debate on multilateral debt relief heated up. As preferred creditors, loans and interest were paid to the Fund and Bank before commercial banks or states.

  10. The Interim Committee was renamed the International Monetary and Financial Committee (IMFC) in 1999. The IMFC meets twice a year at the annual IMF–World Bank meetings and the spring meetings. It acts primarily in an advisory role to the IMF Board of Governors but also has an informal role of agenda setting. This is manifested in its reports at the annual and spring meetings, which act as a guide for Fund activities for the following 6 months.

  11. Author interview with senior staff member from SPR Department, June, 2011, IMF, Washington DC.

  12. Author interview with senior staff member from African Department, June, 2011, IMF, Washington DC.

  13. Author interview with senior staff member from SPR Department, September, 2011, IMF, Washington DC.

  14. Author interview with senior staff member from SPR Department, September, 2011, IMF, Washington DC.

  15. Author interview with senior staff member from African Department, June, 2011, IMF, Washington DC.

  16. Author interview with senior staff member from African Department, June, 2011, IMF, Washington DC.

  17. Financed primarily by bilateral contributions and revenue raised from a 2009 sell-off of gold reserves, $15 billion in funds were raised to fund the PRGT.

  18. The RCF focuses on states with low institutional capacity and urgent financing needs. Under the RCF, no programme-based conditionality is required, and resources are allocated in a single disbursement of up to 25 per cent of the member state’s Fund quota. The interest rate on the RCF is zero per cent and must be repaid between 5.5 and 10 years. The SCF is designed for states with short-term financing needs who have suffered economic shock or some policy slippages. Under the SCF, loans are 12–24 months in length, carry a 0.25 per cent interest rate and must be repaid after 4–8 years. No PRSP is needed to qualify for the SCF and states with no current balance of payment crises can also apply for this facility on a precautionary basis. The ECF replaced the PRGF and is similar in loan length (3 years) and PRSP requirements. The ECF differs primarily in its loan terms and structural conditionality requirements. ECF loans carry a zero interest rate with a grace period of 5.5 years, and a final maturity of 10 years. LICs may access loans equalling 100 per cent of quota and outstanding concessional credit of 300 per cent of quota.

  19. Author interview with senior staff member from SPR Department, September, 2011, IMF, Washington DC.

  20. Author interview with EB Director, January, 2012, IMF, Washington DC.

  21. Author interview with EB Director, January, 2012, IMF, Washington DC.

  22. Author interview of senior staff member from Research Department, June, 2011, IMF, Washington DC.

  23. Author interview of senior Fund staff member from SPR Department, June, 2011, IMF, Washington DC.

  24. Author interview of senior Fund staff member from SPR Department, June, 2011, IMF, Washington DC.

  25. Author interview of senior Fund staff member from SPR Department, June, 2011, IMF, Washington DC.

  26. Author interview of EB Director, January, 2012, IMF, Washington DC.

  27. Author interview of EB Director, January, 2012, IMF, Washington DC.

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Acknowledgements

The author wishes to thank IMF archivist Premela Isaac and Jeremy Marks and Marjorie Henriquez from the Fund’s External Relations Department for their support in this project. Constructive criticism from two anonymous reviewers from the Journal of International Relations and Development and support of dissertation committee members Mark Rupert, Matt Cleary, and Jon Hanson of Syracuse University also were invaluable to this project.

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Hibben, M. Coalitions of change: explaining IMF low-income country reform in the post-Washington Consensus. J Int Relat Dev 18, 202–226 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1057/jird.2013.20

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