Abstract
This article examines the significance of the growing presence of Mexican immigrants in Hawai‘i. Drawing on Census Bureau data, qualitative surveys and in-depth interviews, we discuss Mexican immigrants’ experiences as economic and cultural outsiders in Hawai‘i and their encounters with police and immigration enforcement. We argue that Hawai‘i’s case requires an analysis of the role of US settler colonialism and its intersections with racism and economic inequality currently absent in theoretical models developed to understand the volatility that Latinos introduce to Black–White dynamics.
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Notes
A congressional joint resolution, issuing an apology in 1993, recognized that the United States had overthrown the Kingdom of Hawai‘i (US Congress, 1993). More recent research also indicates that the joint resolution to annex Hawai‘i was not legal and thus the sovereignty of the Kingdom has not been extinguished. Activists and scholars contend that the 1.8 million acres of lands “ceded” to the United States and administered by the State of Hawai‘i were stolen, not willfully ceded (Sai, 2008).
The label, “local,” has evolved to include the multigenerational Puerto Rican community (López, 2005). Puerto Ricans remain distinct from newcomer Latinos, even though several Puerto Rican leaders are part of encouraging a broad Latino/Hispanic identity in Hawai‘i.
Veracini (2010) distinguishes settlers from immigrants. Byrd (2011, xiv), following Brathwaite’s formulation, uses the term arrivants to capture forced migration and the economic and political insecurity that drives contemporary migration to spaces of indigenous dispossession. Scholars, who have fleshed out Asian settler colonialism in Hawai‘i, consider all immigrants to be settlers on the basis of their structural position in settler colonial societies (see also Wolfe, 2013).
Mexicans continue to work in agriculture, growing papaya, strawberries, pineapples, grapes for wineries, flowers for nurseries, vegetables and coffee. In Kona, they constitute 80 per cent of the labor on coffee farms.
The discrimination against Micronesians requires a theorization of their simultaneous position as indigenous Pacific Islanders and migrants.
While we did not analyze unemployment rates for Native Hawaiians, the Office of Hawaiian Affairs’ analysis of the 2010 ACS data shows that the Native Hawaiian unemployment rate in the civilian labor force was 14.5 percent (Office of Hawaiian Affairs, 2011b).
The Native Hawaiian sovereignty movement encompasses a diverse range of positions, one of which supports the restoration of a multiethnic nation. In the nineteenth century, the Hawaiian Kingdom granted citizenship to Whites and Asians and, thus, did not tether national belonging to race or genealogical ties to the land (Kauai, 2014).
ACLU shared these email communications with the authors.
President Obama’s November 2014 executive order on immigration ended the Secure Communities program. It is being replaced by the Priority Enforcement Program, which also depends on the cooperation between local and federal enforcement.
A thorough review of the critical Latino studies literature is beyond the scope of this article. We mention a few works that exemplify that turn.
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Acknowledgements
This article has greatly benefited from the encouragement and valuable suggestions we received from the anonymous reviewers and the journal editor. We thank Cindy Franklin, Candace Fujikane, Richard Rath and Ibrahim Aoudé for their careful reading of earlier versions, and Hokulani Aikau, Willy Kauai and Julie Walsh Kroeker for sharing their expertise on indigenous politics and Pacific Islander migration. We are grateful to our research participants for sharing their experiences with us. The fieldwork for this project was funded by the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
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Das Gupta, M., Haglund, S. Mexican migration to Hawai‘i and US settler colonialism. Lat Stud 13, 455–480 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1057/lst.2015.40
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/lst.2015.40