INTRODUCTION

If creativity can provide a basis for the economic regeneration of cities, we need to understand what it means in terms of business confidence and trust (Scott, 2006; Florida, 2002; Landry, 2000; Kavaratzis and Ashworth, 2005). But the identification and measurement of such an intangible resource is no easy task, and there has been some debate as to what constitutes creativity in terms of regeneration, particularly where cities have a negative brand (Trueman et al., 2004; Morgan et al., 2003; Hospers., 2003; Hall, 2000). This research would argue, however, that post industrial cities can only re-brand if they focus on the image portrayed by each urban neighbourhood, first to differentiate themselves from their competitors, and secondly to engage local business communities in the process of regeneration (Cheshire, 2006; Kotler et al., 1993).

Considerable attention has been paid to attracting new, innovative companies to urban regions that are suffering from post industrial decline, but the role of creativity in this dynamic is unclear if cities and discrete neighbourhoods have experienced a long-term, negative perception arising from poverty, urban decline and civic unrest (Anholt, 2006). Although previous research has focused on dynamics such as culture, innovation and technology, leadership, ethnic diversity and network dynamics (Bennett and Koudelova, 2001; Hall, 2000), few have linked it to re-branding a negative image. Consequently, in this paper we review the literature on creativity and regeneration for post industrial cities that have experienced deprivation and decline, to identify some key dimensions for creativity in this context. To illustrate this, we examine the case of the Manningham district of Bradford in the UK, to see how 12 dimensions, identified from the literature, could influence the district and city, both of which currently have negative brand perceptions. We consider how city planners can engage the inherent creative talent of diverse, local business communities, with ethnicity and migrant populations with an entrepreneurial approach to business, as well as a youthful demographic profile, may provide a social 'resource' or 'trigger' for change, rather than civic unrest and urban decline (Porter, 1995). Finally, we discuss whether city planners are able to engage the 'social capital' of these local communities, and whether the brand perception of each neighbourhood and city can be improved. Crucially, we explore how understanding and controlling this 'process' can enhance quality of life for each community, and allow policy makers to address negative brand elements as well as enhance reputation, trust and confidence (Parkerson and Saunders, 2006).

WHAT ARE THE DIMENSIONS OF A CREATIVE CITY?

Hall (2000) explores the concept of a creative city and the antecedents for a creative business environment. He sees creativity from a cultural perspective, arguing that city economies have moved from manufacturing to an information and cultural base in a short space of time. This cultural base underpins social capital, and substitutes for 'lost factories and warehouses'. But he notes that in the past, creative cities such as Florence and Vienna had a bourgeois element, requiring wealth for the arts and creative pursuits to prosper. Subsequent authors note that creativity in cities arises from periods of instability and change; that creative individuals in these cities are often newcomers; and the city had to be tolerant and supportive towards people and businesses in this category (Scott, 2006, Leslie, 2005).

Landry (2000) considers creativity a 'multifaceted resourcefulness', to solve 'intractable, unexpected, unusual problems or circumstances.' He recognises that the traditional view of artists and scientists as the principal generators of creativity can include people operating in politics, business and social organisations, collectively or as individuals. In fact, creativity runs throughout a project and cities need creative implementers as well as innovative new ideas. Conversely, Florida (2002) defines the core of the creative class as those whose 'economic function is to create new ideas, new technology and/or new creative content'. He includes a broader set of creative professionals in business, finance, law, etc but sees the working and service classes as 'primarily paid to execute according to plan', but acknowledges that creativity is a social process. Similarly, Landry (2000) sees nine criteria for a creative city (Table 1), but while Florida concentrates on tangible measures that can be drawn from national census documents, Landry addresses intangible elements such as local economics and culture, social harmony, and the built environmental, all of which point to the need for some leadership in coordinating and effecting change.

Table 1 - Twelve dimensions for creative cities.

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On the other hand, Scott (2006) and Leslie (2005) consider Florida's approach too narrow, as it ignores low-skilled workers and the low-wage economy that undermines regeneration and creative initiatives. This echoes observations by Porter over a decade ago (1995) about a knife-edge between regeneration and decline in inner cities. Moreover, Hospers (2003) and Landry (2000) view diversity in terms of ethnicity and demographics as an indicator of creativity, rather than the Florida's gay community index. Although the gay index is a useful barometer for open mindedness and tolerance, it reinforces Scott's (2006) observation that there is a need for 'talent, technology and tolerance' to encourage creativity.

From a branding perspective, this reflects classic theory where Anholt (2006) talks of the importance of taking stakeholder aspirations into consideration, and Kapferer (2001) suggests that communities should be involved at a behavioural level with one-to-one relationships, networks and word of mouth to enhance brand strength. De Chernatony (2006: 47) stresses the need for a strong culture to provide consistency, coherent behaviour and trust. But he observes that 'people like to be with and work with people who share similar patterns of thought and behaviour', highlighting problems and tensions inherent in managing diverse communities, where differences must be overcome to develop a shared vision for the future, a plurality of identity and a sense of brand ownership. He promotes a hierarchy of brand requirements emanating from Maslow's (1943) hierarchy of needs, where sustenance and security are associated with basic needs and a low priority for differentiation, leads on to socialisation, self-esteem and self-actualisation relating to brand status and citizen brands. In other words, once security and 'quality of life' are improved in the street environment, people become more concerned about civic pride and creativity and less focused on mere survival. This highlights a need to focus on sub-brands at a local neighbourhood level, if communities in deprived areas are to be engaged in regeneration.

Hospers (2003) examines the concept of creative cities and competitiveness in the knowledge economy in a European context, taking a broad view of technology and culture, as well as organisational configuration. To illustrate the 'technological-innovation' dimension, he notes how a handful of individual, innovative entrepreneurs drove the textiles industry in Britain's 19th-century Manchester, and information technology in 20th-century America's Silicon Valley, in cities such as Palo Alto and the surrounding districts of California. From a 'cultural-intellectual' perspective, he sees artists, philosophers and scientists respond to tensions between the establishment and radical thinkers. In terms of a 'cultural–technological' dimension, he notes the resurgence of Manchester in the 1990s for new-wave music, and haute couture fashion in Paris and Milan. All combine artistic creativity with technology to develop innovative new products and services. Finally, from a 'technological–organisational' viewpoint, he observes how cities deal with problems of large-scale urban living, where projects such as the underground rail systems in London and Paris require governments to work with business communities.

He identifies four key dynamics for a creative city, namely 'concentration' as a critical mass for interaction between communities; 'diversity' to combine work and residential space; 'instability' where tension within business communities can trigger change; and a 'positive image' to encourage civic pride and inward investment (Hospers, 2003: 260). But he believes that creativity and knowledge-intensivity are synonymous, whereas Hall (2000) suggests that cultural economies develop out of informational economies. Both recognise the importance of culture and removing barriers for entrepreneurs to capitalise on individual talent. They build on the classic work of Jacobs (1961: 236), who considers that a successful city neighbourhood relies upon a diverse mix of architecture as well as communities. She observes the need for intricate layouts, and the avoidance of anonymity, as the presence of old buildings is aesthetically pleasing and allows for cheap rental. In other words, a creative profile requires diversity of buildings and people, particularly if the place is to have a unique brand identity or image. In a similar vein, Kotler et al. (1993) examine the ingredients for place brand differentiation, such as the relationships between 'old' and 'new' characteristics of labour, tax climate, incentives, amenities, schools, higher education, communications and businesses. They observe the significance of geography, history, proclamations, art and music, famous citizens and other features (Kotler and Gertner, 2006: 42).

Landry (2000) and Hospers (2003) believe that the built environment as well as human interaction should be the starting point for regeneration and observe that any knowledge-based activity must have some basis in the existing economy, but realistically, local government must recognise that creativity evolves rather than stemming from 'blue print planning' (Hansen et al., 2001: 285). To this end, Landry (2000) suggests that a creative urban environment requires 'inter urban networks' with neighbouring cities to address 'educational, infrastructure and cultural issues', stressing the need for 'increased diversity by mixing residential and working functions' and removing obstacles for migrant entrepreneurs. Finally, he recommends a major event or project to encourage creativity, set against a background of education, research and networking that can be inculcated by the university sector.

Furthermore, Florida (2002) believes that 'cities need a people climate even more than they need a business climate'. He sees universities as a cornerstone for change because of their ability to support high-tech activities, their tolerance to those seen somehow as different and their ability to attract talent. Similarly, Scott (2006) points to the importance of a 'creative-field' environment for innovation and regeneration. He advocates joint ventures and strategic partnerships, as well as the need for distinctive goods and services to provide a unique identity as well as commercial advantage. In recognising the role of historical and cultural traditions in differentiating cities and neighbourhoods, he notes the role of camaraderie or social capital in change, reflecting Landry's (2000)'conceptual toolkit for urban creativity'. By emphasising a 'people-centred' approach, his work uses many of the techniques traditionally associated with strategic planning, but attempt to get participants to abandon preconceived ideas and accepted norms. Instead, he advocates techniques that assist creative thinking and view the regeneration process holistically.

PROBLEMS WITH CREATIVE CITIES

But if the concept of a creative city as a vehicle for urban regeneration is attractive, there are problems associated with managing change in inner cities. These range from urban decline and riots at one end of the scale (Scott, 2006; Ouseley, 2001; Porter, 1995; Jacobs, 1961), to the side effects of gentrification on the other, where those on low incomes with small family shops are forced out as property prices rise (Diamond, 2002). In fact, Westall (2004) argues that gentrification can lead to a 'loss of local jobs, supply chain links and money spent in the community'. She observes that small firms, although often undervalued, have the greatest impact in terms of local spend, in proportion to their turnover, and considers that more effort should be put into retaining existing businesses rather than too much on business 'start ups'. To illustrate this point, the New Economic Foundation (NEF) produced an Inner City 100 Index, which ranks the growth rate of the fastest-growing inner city enterprises of 2001–2004, in the UK's most disadvantaged wards. This reaffirms the need for instability to generate innovation and change. Although this study has some positive messages, with an average five-year growth rate of over 100 and 88 per cent of firms being profitable, there are adverse gentrification effects. For example, if business properties are converted into luxury residential housing, some cannot afford the rents and move to outlying business parks, negating their positive impacts on local economies (Taylor et al., 2004).

The NEF's answer to this conundrum is to hold some regeneration land in trust rather than allow it all to pass to private ownership. But in responses to a UK government report on 'Culture at the heart of regeneration' (DCMS, 2005), some observe that gentrification is an unavoidable, economic reality. Yet a mixed use of buildings and affordable accommodation for homes and businesses can reduce negative outcomes. Hart (2003) warns, however, that the 'creative energy' of regeneration can be hijacked and diminished by short-term market forces so that instead of something new and exciting, the neighbourhood ends up with a monoculture of gentrification and displacement. Where this pattern of events has been resisted, it is due to a prior history of mobilisation of the community and a pattern of small-scale land ownership. From a branding perspective, this points to a need for a planned portfolio of urban development, where all businesses are aware of the opportunities and potential for change if they are to generate the necessary energy and resources (Balmer and Gray, 2003).

On the other hand, Loury (1998) sees positive social capital generated by communities as a major factor for change, rather than a protracted, almost 'feudal' approach that will stifle entrepreneurial new ideas. This reflects a local government shift from reactive management of public resources, to a proactive role, working closely with commercial organisations to secure inward investment. Similarly, Winkley (2003: 8) argues that regeneration of deprived communities cannot be accomplished solely by market forces. State policy intervention is required for fiscal measures like stamp duty exemptions and state funds to encourage private investment. Moreover, access to finance for small businesses in deprived areas might be met by innovative use of Community Finance Initiatives. He observes the key role of local entrepreneurs and a need to concentrate resources rather than spread them too thinly, recognising that creative industries and cultural districts around city centres offer an attractive environment for private investment. But Enterprise Zones in the UK and Business Improvement District (BID) schemes in the USA show that weaker social groups are excluded, and highlight a need for 'connected' policies to minimise displacement. This underlines the importance of security and government support, particularly where problems experienced by vulnerable communities can escalate out of control.

Bennett and Koudelova (2001) advocate a positive image and empowerment for local communities to trigger creativity and successful regeneration. They cite the London Borough of Newham, which worked hard to ensure that existing residents would benefit from regeneration initiatives, in contrast to London's Tower Hamlets and Docklands district that ignored the needs of local people, illustrating that each neighbourhood will send out a different brand message depending on its response to regeneration. Bearing this in mind, Hospers (2003) sees city branding as a partnership between local government, business and local residents, particularly the entrepreneurs in the community. He quotes the former steel and coal area of the Ruhr that has successfully built on its past heavy industrial heritage to promote its new knowledge economy. To this end, the identity and image of people and place becomes all important, partly to reinforce or alter brand perceptions, but also to differentiate one neighbourhood and city from another. In sum, this review of the literature has shown the importance of transferring negative community energy into positive social capital for change, as well as a need to examine each neighbourhood if problems of a negative city brand are to be addressed. It also highlights the difficulty faced by some neighbourhoods that may become trapped in a vortex of negativity, where an over-reliance on past practice, or pre-conceived ideas, can inhibit the adoption of new technology and opportunities for change (Landry, 2000).

METHOD

It appears that successful regeneration in inner city quarters relies on an inclusive, supportive policy to stimulate creativity, as well as skills that address problems arising from the management of change, particularly for underprivileged, vulnerable communities (Table 1). This literature has revealed 12 dimensions that appear to underpin the notion of creativity and regeneration to enhance city brands.

• — Technology and research
• — Innovation
• — Instability
• — Culture
• — Diversity
• — Ethnicity
• — Identity
• — Profile
• — Leadership
• — Networks
• — Education
• — Security

These 'creative ingredients' should be coordinated into a distinct profile to enhance brand reputation, provide a positive rather than a negative image for inward investment and encourage a supportive network for regeneration. The inclusion of community education and the management of ethnicity are important, as both provide a catalyst for innovation and creativity to take place. But as Landry (2000) points out, although some instability can trigger change, without resources and security, such changes will not be for the better. Therefore, this research poses the question: 'What is the usefulness and limitations of these twelve dimensions for creativity and regeneration in evaluating city brands, particularly where the city has a negative brand perception?' At the same time, there is an implicit understanding that the brand perception of discrete neighbourhoods should be addressed in order to build a brand architecture for the city as a whole.

To explore these questions, we have developed an illustrative case study (Yin, 1989; Cresell, 1998) of the district of Manningham, part of Bradford UK, that has experienced long-term, urban decline. The information base that informs our case study is comprised of secondary data from local and central government reports about Bradford in general and Manningham in particular. This includes the UK Census 2001, the British National Household survey 2001 and the Northern Cities Creative Index ('Boho Britain' in the Demos 2003 report). By using the 12 dimensions and these data, this research has been able build up a picture of this district that provides a fresh perspective of branding, in terms of creativity and regeneration.

MAIN FINDINGS: HOW CREATIVE IS MANNINGHAM?

The Manningham district of Bradford was chosen because it has experienced particular problems in regeneration, and difficulty in overcoming a negative brand image since the 20th-century demise of the textiles industry. It is typical of urban decline in a post industrial city, and has the additional factor of a large South Asian community (77 per cent) that is often hard to reach (Trueman et al., 2004). At the same time, the demographics of the district are unusual with 60 per cent of the population less than 30 years old, compared to 42 per cent for Bradford as a whole and 38 per cent in the rest of the UK (Table 2). For this reason, it provides a useful test bed for the 12 creative dimensions. Moreover, it is a neighbourhood of extremes; on the one hand, it is comprised of rows of run-down terraced houses for former mill workers and on the other it is the home of Bradford's Finance industry, the city football ground, a prestigious pubic school, a public park and the University of Bradford.

Table 2 - Percentage resident population in Manningham by age.

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HISTORICAL PROFILE

A quick examination of Manningham's past reveals a long history of migration, change and innovation but also of deprivation and poverty. It has a strong, diverse, historical and cultural tradition. Samuel Cunliffe Lister was a prime example of Hospers 'technological innovators'. In 1938, he built the first Mill in Manningham, and developed an invention that mechanised the wool-combing process, forming the basis of the mechanisation for Bradford's textile industry and attracting many people to the city (Richardson, 1976). Over the past 150 years, Bradford has become home for successive waves of migrants and some of the wealthier German textile merchants settled in Manningham's grand Victorian houses (Richardson, 1976). After the Second World War, many Eastern Europeans arrived and in the late 1950s the need to introduce 24-h working in the textile mills prompted the main influx of immigration from Pakistan and Bangladesh. In 1971, it had the highest number of dwellings in Bradford with no indoor WC and poverty is still evident, providing a barrier to business confidence and inward investment (Richardson, 1976). After the Bradford riots of 1995 and 2001, the community lacked confidence and people started to move out. Many saw little support from the council following these events (Cook and Trueman, 2004). More recently, it has become home for a number of asylum seekers. In general, the Bradford and Manningham brands are currently perceived as negative, although like many other districts and cities they have experienced peaks and troughs of fortune. This research would argue, however, that a reversal of brand perceptions about Manningham would considerably enhance the city brand.

EXISTING BUSINESSES AND CREATIVITY

Manningham's position can be assessed by examining its commercial activity, recently comprising 489 businesses (Cook and Trueman, 2004). The UK Standard Industrial Classification of Economic Activities (SIC) 2003 was used to provide a picture of current activities in Manningham (Figure 1), which mirrors the business profile of the city. In terms of diversity, industries range from wholesale, retail and the hotel trade to business and professional firms, reflecting local expertise in the finance industry. The motor trade is well represented, as well as education, public sector organisations and healthcare, but there is little manufacturing. Altogether, it suggests considerable entrepreneurial activity, reminiscent of the NEF (2004) research findings about fast-growing inner city enterprises, and is indicative of a district ripe for regeneration and change.

Figure 1.

Percentage of Manningham businesses by economic activity
Source: Various, telephone directory, street survey, Manningham ward government records

Full figure and legend (76K)

Using Florida's definition of the creative class, we see only 15 businesses that employ more than 50 people (Table 3). A combination of business, professional, health, social, education and public administration accounts for 38 per cent of businesses, although it is not possible to estimate the numbers of people employed in creative occupations and commercial activity does not include traditional Asian craft. The potential for women in this community, however, is vast and largely untapped. The wives of Manningham's Asian businessmen make a significant contribution to the businesses 'behind the scenes and behind the till' (Trueman et al., 2004). Furthermore, there is considerable drive and readiness to take a business risk, reflecting strong evidence of untapped, entrepreneurial competency (Cook and Trueman, 2004).

Table 3 - Manningham businesses with more than 50 employees.

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But businesses operate against a backdrop of poverty, low levels of educational attainment and social exclusion, where deprivation has been described as 'deep seated and intractable', and Manningham is among the most deprived district in the country (Van Zeller, 2004a, 2004b). In terms of school performance statistics, it is on a par with other quarters of Bradford but less well than the UK as a whole (Table 4).

Table 4 - Qualifications (all people 16–74) 2001 census.

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A further insight can be gained from the 'Boho Britain' report that uses three of Florida's variables to measure the creativity index of the top 40 UK cities by population (Demos, 2003). Bradford is the UK's sixth largest city in terms of population and is ranked highly for creativity. Table 5 compares Bradford's overall position and individual rankings to other Northern, post industrial cities. Here, Bradford is sixth in terms of ethnic diversity, although three factors have been combined with equal weighting; first, the number of residents who are not categorised as 'white British'; secondly, the number of services for the gay and lesbian community; and thirdly, the number of patent applications per head of the population.

Table 5 - Northern cities creativity index adapted from Demos Boho 2003.

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INNOVATION

Perhaps patent applications relating to Florida's high-tech index are less relevant for Manningham as only two firms, a chemical manufacturer and an engineering company, have the pedigree and potential to file patents (Cook and Trueman, 2004). This might indicate a weak foundation for creativity, although it is compensated by ethnic diversity, which is ranked highly (Table 6). This suggests the need for a new indicator of SME development if it is to reflect the NEF (2004) research into entrepreneurship and business competencies for districts with a profile like Manningham.

Table 6 - Ethnicity in Manningham and Bradford in 2001.

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Yet, ethnicity and diversity are complex and have important implications for creativity and regeneration in terms of leadership, culture and beliefs, networks and identity, all of which can impact on the propensity for innovation and approach towards education, technology and research. For example, Trueman et al. (2005) note the considerable diversity among 20 businesses of South Asian origin they studied along Manningham Lane. They observe that 'Bangladeshi, Indian and Pakistani communities have as many differences as they do similarities' and that language and culture are the two main dividing issues. Furthermore, as discussed earlier, Manningham's significantly young population differs from other neighbourhoods in Bradford, and the rest of the UK, with 60 per cent of the population less than 30 years old (Table 2). On the other hand, the presence of such a large population of young people might be seen as an opportunity for creativity and entrepreneurship. But poor levels of educational attainment among many of Manningham's young people may impede their creative potential, particularly from a technology and research perspective, reinforcing an urgent need to prioritise education. Here, the role of the university could be more proactive as a cornerstone for change, particularly as the School of Management is adjacent to this district, and a number of students are from the local community.

INSTABILITY AND THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT

Hospers (2003), Scott (2006) and Jacobs (1961) see diversity as part of the built environment that for Manningham, stems largely from the 19th-century industrial era, ranging from splendid stone built residences, crescents and squares to more humble terraces and back to backs. Although the state of repair varies considerably, the underlying heritage of Victorian domestic architecture still remains, proving remarkably 'resilient' to new usages (Van Zeller, 2004b). Thus, on balance, this area's built environment has to be judged as a positive resource for creativity and brand image. Yet, an unstable environment can have a positive outcome if there are visible signs of progress such as a large-scale project to refurbish the huge Lister Mill complex in Manningham as a mixture of residential, business and social (Scott 2006). In fact, Hospers (2003) and Hall (2000) indicate that crisis and instability can trigger creativity. For Manningham, the riots of 2001 were the impetus for Manningham Means Business (MMB), leading a group of businesses to work with the Landscape Planning Department and University School of Management, on a number of projects to improve the street environment. By accessing support and funding from partners such as Bradford Council and the regional development agency (RDA), and concentrating on 'quick win' highly visible projects to improve the street environment such as new street furniture and landscaping, MMB were able to show that improvements could be made. This can be seen as an example of Landry's (2000) assertion about the interplay between education, research and networking, here galvanised by emergent situational leadership to foster entrepreneurship and change, as well as overcoming some feelings of insecurity.

LEADERSHIP AND NETWORKS

In terms of leadership, Landry (2000) observes a need for community empowerment and key individuals with leadership qualities. The Denham Report about the 2001 riots identified weak political and community leadership as a contributing factor, something that has been a recurrent theme for the city. He contrasts Bradford with other cities that have moved on from similar problems, but observes that Bradford residents, although positive about their own neighbourhood, tend to be negative about the city as a whole, and many businesses perceive the Council as unsupportive (Trueman et al., 2007). This illustrates an urgent need for a change of brand perception that will overcome the negative perception of this city. Strong business networks can, however, offset poor 'Council' leadership and provide a key competency for Manningham. Here the University's role has been to provide a neutral venue for meetings and milieu in which ideas can be debated freely, underpinning the need to 'control' and manage the 'process' of creativity. This notion of neutrality is significant because Trueman et al. (2005) found that many local South Asian proprietors did not have a positive view of elected leaders or local politics, and the disparate nature of this business community means that communications are often disjointed or hampered from a lack of trust and confidence in regeneration initiatives. This shows how the role of planning authorities can be pivotal in engaging the local business community, and may need to review their approach if previous initiatives have failed to engage a predominantly young generation if there is too much reliance on city elders to represent each ethnic group.

REPUTATION, BRAND AND IDENTITY

It is difficult to elicit any positive words and phrases from businesses in Manningham about its reputation and brand identity. Some relate to its Victorian architecture, a large urban park and the fact that business properties are cheap. Overall, this does not conjure up an image synonymous with creativity (Trueman et al., 2007). Words and phrases, such as 'ramshackle, dilapidated, empty buildings, rubbish, deprivation, derelict, wants tidying up, not in a right nice state, shutters at the windows, sub standard, stuff on the pavement' give a flavour of the reality for many business people (Trueman et al., 2004). Clearly, the street environment still needs considerable attention to reverse this negative perception, and perhaps there should be a more flexible or 'creative' approach to environmental landscaping and regeneration. Nonetheless, the shabby jewels in the largely Victorian architecture of Manningham do have the potential to provide diverse and cheap accommodation for those with the creative flair and entrepreneurial drive to see beyond this neglect.

REGENERATION AND BRANDING MANNINGHAM'S FUTURE

Scott (2006) and Porter and Ketels (2003) argue that nations move from competitive advantage based on resources of labour and natural resources, to an investment-driven stage with efficiency of products and services, and finally to an innovation-driven or creative stage. Manningham is clearly at the end of the second stage and entering the third stage of development and requires a sustainable economy to progress. But the city masterplan for this district sees it as primarily residential, with some service and cultural jobs arising from the regeneration of the nearby city centre (Manningham, 2005). Yet, this quarter has a sizeable number of women who have higher aspirations than men and represent a largely untapped resource for local, well-paid, part-time employment to fit with domestic responsibilities, and providing an opportunity to expand the cultural businesses base as well as the economy (Van Zeller, 2004a). A poor response has, however, frustrated the Manningham business group, who found it difficult to involve some Asian businesses in regeneration initiatives, although problems have arisen from poor communications rather than a lack of will. There are also different needs and aspirations as some small family businesses are more concerned about economic survival and security than an improved street environment (Trueman et al., 2004).

Conversely, Hospers (2004) observes how local people feel alienated from a new image that disregards the city's heritage of municipal socialism or more broadly, commitment to improvements in the welfare of vulnerable people within the community. Similarly, Bennett and Koudelova (2001) emphasise the need to 'take the existing local population with you' if regeneration is to succeed. To this end, Balmer and Soenen (1999) use their ACID² test for corporate identity management that explores gaps between the Actual, Conceived, Communicated, Ideal and Desired Identities and future aspirations for a brand, which for Manningham reveals that the many micro communities involved to date have not interacted very much or formed a coherent understanding of the official masterplan (Trueman et al., 2004). This suggests an urgent need to build re-branding into the regeneration strategy for this neighbourhood as well as the city as a whole, further illustrating the importance of sub-brands. (Table 7).

Table 7 - Manningham's creative dimensions and brand image.

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Here, the trigger for change appears to be driven by positive aspects of regeneration such as the large-scale restoration of a local mill complex and some closer collaboration with the university. In addition, after the 2001 riots, there has been a surge of interest and funding in an effort to improve the street environment. But there still remains a perceptual gap between the aspirations of city planners, businesses and local residents. This means that resources in terms of social capital for change are not in place as the local community role in regeneration is unclear. This may be because the needs of a complex society of mixed origin and ethnicity have not been fully addressed or understood. In other words, the profile of this neighbourhood needs some analysis before city planners can engage these groups in regeneration projects, even though there is some indication of a willingness to take part.

As far as process is concerned, education, networks and leadership all need to become more coherent and accessible to many community groups that at times have been overlooked. In this way, public/private partnerships can make a difference in the long term, as well as supportive business networks and the inclusion of more women as well as the younger population. In this respect, the education sector, including the university, could play a much stronger role. Finally, control of the process is seen largely in terms of improving the security and safety of the street environment to improve quality of life as much as business performance. Here, involvement in local community projects can instil civic pride and brand ownership in a creative, participative way, which in turn will provide the confidence, self-esteem and trust required to overcome negative brand perceptions.

CONCLUSIONS

The notion of 12 dimensions for creativity and branding provides a useful framework for analysis, and a fresh insight into brand architecture for neighbourhoods such as Manningham, as well as cities like Bradford. In this respect, the 'Trigger' for creativity and change is generated through instability arising from new technological opportunities, research and innovation, whereas the 'Resources' arise from the juxtaposition of diverse communities, cultures, identities and new ideas to provide a strong, brand architecture profile. Not surprisingly, the 'Process' is facilitated by strong leadership, effective business networks and improved education that can support acculturisation. On the other hand, 'Control' requires classic principles of evaluating progress, improving security and quality of life for local communities, as well as an inclusive policy for ethnicity management. These findings illustrate the need to build a 'portfolio' of neighbourhood sub-brands for a coherent city identity that can overcome perceptions of negativity. This 'sub-brand' approach will help to address problems of gentrification, increasing the potential of social capital for change on the one hand and reducing the alienation of local community groups who may undermine regeneration on the other.

The resurgence of Manningham and other city neighbourhoods is unlikely to be achieved through creativity alone, but this research would argue that a new insight into the complex needs and aspirations of a diverse population can go some way towards changing perceptions of neighbourhoods and the city. In fact, this quarter of Bradford requires new ideas, new technology and new approaches to realise its 'creative field potential'. It is in a unique position to engage local communities and generate social capital for change with its predominantly young population, with entrepreneurial energy and flair, as well as many South Asian women who have high aspirations for quality, part-time employment. This district may not fit into Florida's (2002) creative index in terms of patents per capita, the gay index or high-technology start-ups, but presents a wealth of opportunities for cultural and architectural regeneration, with diverse business practice and potential. In other words, perhaps there should be a focus on entrepreneurial activity, coupled with meeting the needs of the predominantly youthful population and women in the community. Although both may currently have limited education, there is an opportunity to engage their aspirations to gain a better quality of life in regeneration initiatives. In terms of social capital for change, this relatively untapped resource could 'trigger' neighbourhood renewal, particularly for cities that are in long-term decline.

But if a city lacks confidence in its creative and entrepreneurial ability, communities will sense this. Consequently, if regeneration strategies are seen to be irrelevant and the associated communications messages as unpersuasive, local communities are likely to adopt an 'inward-looking' approach, with no need to orient themselves towards mainstream cultural and business activities. Therefore, city governance requires confidence in mainstream activities to encourage entrepreneurial flair and enable the establishment of cutting edge, new sector micro- and incubator businesses as symbolic of new business potential. Crucially, this needs to take place in the context of Amin's 're-enchantment' with the city. To this end, city planners need to rediscover their confidence in and understanding of the dynamics of a fully functioning city in the 21st century.

These pre-requisites are necessary if city governance can build an important platform for improving the circumstances of HTR communities and promote the notion of a plural identity in a proactive way to engage each ethnic group and break down social divides. A plural identity combines pride in cultural heritage as well as the country of residence, and, crucially, requires a reconciliation of values from both. In so doing, local government becomes empowered to proactively manage cultural and social capital in the mainstream and HTR communities in a manner that is consonant. Similarly, there is a need to target women and the predominantly young population to achieve this reconciliation of values, especially if youthful energy and drive is not to be wasted. This energy provides a means of breaking the 'stranglehold' of a narrow, family only, ethnic-to-ethnic'' business configured approach to business practice, as well as opportunities to broaden business activity with the mainstream. There is also potential to synthesise cultural traditions with mainstream practice. But this potential can only be realised if 'Process' dynamics are addressed, and there is a sustained effort to encourage creativity and improve brand perceptions for the city in the long term. This requires a fundamental shift in orientation by city planners and governance, in order to raise the confidence of the city as a whole, as well as local communities, providing a more fertile and dynamic environment in which to develop creative activity as a key foundation for regeneration.

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