Abstract
In this paper, we present an argument strengthening the view of Norman Daniels, Bruce Kennedy and Ichiro Kawachi that justice is good for one's health. We argue that the pathways through which social factors produce inequalities in sleep more strongly imply a unidirectional and non-voluntary causality than with most other public health issues. Specifically, we argue against the ‘voluntarism objection’ – an objection that suggests that adverse public health outcomes can be traced back to the free and voluntary choices of individual actors. Our argument proceeds along two lines: an empirical line and a conceptual line. We first show that much of the empirical research on sleep supports the view that those with fewer opportunities are those who have poorer sleep habits. We then argue that sleep-related decisions are not of the same nature as most other lifestyle choices, and therefore are not as easily susceptible to the voluntarism objection.
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Notes
Theoretical variants of this objection stem from the literature on moral luck. At least one such central criticism can be found in G. A. Cohen's critique of Rawls. Other related concerns have been discussed by Saul Smilansky in his characterization of choice egalitarianism (see references below). More practical variants of this objection appear in commentary on the original essay. Marcia Angell, in her response to Daniels, Kennedy and Kawachi, writes that without controlling for socioeconomic status, ‘it is impossible to know whether the increased prevalence of asthma in the children of smokers is really because of passive smoking or because smokers are more likely to be poor, and poverty itself is associated with asthma for other reasons.’ Emmanuela Gakidou, Julio Frenk and Christopher Murray ask, ‘What about volition? How much of the distribution of health expectancy for a population is due to fully informed choices of individuals who have a taste for risky behavior? This seems like a very slippery slope. What choices affecting health are fully informed? Would we exclude the effects of tobacco on health expectancy because smoking is a choice?’ Some references include (Cohen, 1992, 1995, 1997; Angell, 2000; Gakidou et al, 2000; Smilansky, 2003).
Selection effects, unlike voluntary preferences, call attention to both voluntary and involuntary third factors.
A related objection – the ‘health begets wealth’ objection – is that people in poor health (either through voluntary or involuntary means) are less economically productive through direct and indirect pathways related to their health condition. Thus, there is a reversal of the relationship between social status and well-being. On account of space limitations, we cannot take up this objection here. Instead, we restrict our discussion to the voluntarism objection.
If teens smoke because they love the taste of cigarettes, our response might lean in a particular direction. If they smoke because they feel that they will impress their peers, our response might lean in a different direction. With almost all other health issues, the prescription for a cure is unclear; should we work to improve education about the issue, distributing pamphlets and marking cigarette packages with skulls and crossbones? Or, should we strive to make it clear that cigarettes are unhip?
What follows might be roundly criticized as highly speculative. But, it is only highly speculative if one gives it a psychological gloss. We are not arguing about the psychology of sleep. Indeed, we have little data on the psychology of sleep decisions. Rather, we are talking about the preconditions of sleep decisions – conditions that precede any psychological characterization of the decision. There is little question that we can be led to believe that we are doing something when we do not have control over what we are doing. We can, for instance, believe ourselves to be choosing to take a drug and yet, at the same time, be desiring the drug for some reason outside of our control. Or, we might, for instance, believe that we are very good at trajectory calculations if we can catch a baseball with impressive ease. Of course, catching baseballs is a somatic response that could not possibly involve an elaborate trajectory calculation.
We agree with one reviewer that there is an unresolved tension between deterministic and voluntaristic accounts, particularly with regard to the social determinants of health literature. Indeed, this is largely what our argument aims to undercut. We are suggesting instead that the voluntarism objection is much less compelling when one introduces considerations about the social determinants of sleep.
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Hale, B., Hale, L. Is justice good for your sleep? (And therefore, good for your health?). Soc Theory Health 7, 354–370 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1057/sth.2009.15
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/sth.2009.15